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PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE WAR OF 1812.

BY BENSON J. LOSSING

1869.

CHAPTER XVII.

WAR WITH THE BRITISH AND INDIANS IN THE NORTHWEST.

Impatience of the People. – Harrison’s Difficulties. – He is Hopeful and Cheerful. – Objections to a Winter Campaign. – Difficulties of Transportation. – General Simon Perkins. – Divisions of the Army of the Northwest. – Employment of the Troops. – The Western Reserve. – Elisha Whittlesey. – Alarming Rumors about Hull’s Surrender. – Preparations against Invasion. – Troops welcomed to Cleveland. – Energy of General Wadsworth. – Distress on the Raisin River. – Re-enforcements for Winchester. – March to Detroit suspended. – Attempted Lodgment at the Maumee Rapids. – Stirring Events at the Rapids. – Fight with Indians. – Relief for Ohio Troops. – A Menace. – Services of Captain Logan. – His Death. – Wa-pagh-ko-netta and its notable Indians. – Expedition against Miamis and Delawares. – Friends to be spared. – Campbell on the Mississiniwa. – Attack on Campbell’s Camp. – A desperate Fight. – Distressing Retreat to Greenville. – Good Effects of the Chastisement of the Indians. – Sufferings and Difficulties of Harrison’s Army. – Waste of Horses. – Transportation in the Wilderness. – Harrison’s Instructions. – The effective Force in the Northwest. – Movements ordered. – The Mission and Sufferings of Captain Combs. – The Army at the Maumee Rapids. – Troops re-enlisted. – The Settlement of Frenchtown threatened. – Winchester sends them Defenders. – Frenchtown and its suffering Inhabitants. – Arrival of Winchester’s relief Party. – Battle and Massacre. – Frenchtown to be held. – Winchester arrives with Re-enforcements. – Position of Troops there. – Winchester’s Lack of Vigilance. – Warnings of Danger unheeded by Winchester. – Other Officers on the Alert. – Attack on Frenchtown by Proctor and his Fellow-savages. – A terrible Struggle. – A Panic and Massacre. – Winchester made Prisoner. – Proctor repulsed. – Winchester forced to surrender his Army. – Major Madison. – Proctor quails before a true Man. – His Perfidy, Cowardice, and Inhumanity. – A fearful Night at Frenchtown. – Massacre and Scalping of wounded Prisoners allowed by Proctor. – Incidents of the horrible Event. – The Death of Captain Hart. – Sketch of his Life. – The British ashamed to call the Indians their Allies. – War-cry of the Kentuckians. – Honor conferred on Proctor. – Shamefulness of the Act. – "Guardians of Civilization." – Visit to the Raisin. – The historical Localities there. – Survivors of the War. – The valiant James Knaggs. – His public Career. – His relations with the Indians. – The patriotic Knaggs Family. – Harrison unjustly censured. – His Efforts to relieve Winchester at the Raisin. – Harrison at the Maumee Rapids. – He assists the Fugitives from the Raisin. – His army at the Maumee Rapids.

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"How dread was the conflict, how bloody the fray,
Told the banks of the Raisin at the dawn of the day;
While the gush from the wounds of the dying and dead
Had thaw’d for the warrior a snow-sheeted bed.

"But where is the pride that a soldier can feel,
To temper with mercy the wrath of the steel,
While Proctor, victorious, denies to the brave
Who had fallen in battle, the gift of a grave?"

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All through the months of October, November, and December [1812.], General Harrison labored incessantly and intensely in making preparations for a winter campaign in the Northwest. The nation was feverish and impatient. Ignorance of military necessities allowed unjust and injurious censures and criticisms to be made – unjust to the officers and soldiers in the field, and injurious to the cause. The desire of the people to recover all that Hull had lost would brook no restraint, nor listen to any excuse for delay. A winter campaign was demanded, and Harrison was not a man to shrink from any required duty. He knew that much was expected of him; and day and night his head and hands were at work, with only the intermissions required by the necessity for taking food, indulging in sleep, and the observance of the Sabbath. Taking all things into consideration, his task was Herculean, and to some men would have been appalling. He was compelled to create an army out of good but exceedingly crude materials. He was compelled to reconcile many differences and difficulties in order to insure the harmony arising from perfect discipline. He was compelled to concentrate forces and supplies at some eligible point, like the Rapids of the Maumee, while perplexed with the greatest impediments. His operations were necessarily threefold in character – preparative, offensive, and defensive, in a wilderness filled with hostile savages controlled and supported by British regulars. A frontier, hundreds of miles in extent, must be protected at all hazards from the hatchet and the knife. The season was becoming more and more inclement. From the fortieth degree of latitude northward (the direction of his projected march) was a region of dark forests and black swamps. The autumnal rains had commenced, filling every stream, and making every morass brimful of water. Through these, roads and causeways for wagons and pack-horses must be cut and constructed, over which supplies of every kind, with men and artillery, must be conveyed. Block-houses were to be built, magazines of provisions established, and a vigilant watch kept upon the savages who might prowl upon flanks and rear. All this had to be done with undisciplined troops prone to self-reliance and independence, with great uncertainty whether volunteers would swell his army for invasion to the promised dimensions of ten thousand men.

Yet, in view of all these labors and difficulties, Harrison was cheerful and hopeful. "I am fully sensible of the responsibility invested in me," he wrote to the Secretary of War on the 13th of October. "I accepted it with full confidence of being able to effect the wishes of the President, or to show unequivocally their impracticability. If the fall should be very dry, I will take Detroit before the winter sets in; but if we should have much rain, it will be necessary to wait at the Rapids until the Miami of the Lake [Maumee, or Miami of the Lakes] is sufficiently frozen over to bear the army and its baggage."

Nine days later Harrison wrote, "I am not able to fix any period for the advance of the troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident that it can not be done upon proper principles until the frost shall become so severe as to enable us to use the rivers and the margin of the lake for transportation of the baggage and artillery upon the ice. To get them forward through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles, in wagons or on pack-horses, which are to carry their own provisions, is absolutely impossible." He then referred to a suggestion of a Congressman that the possession of Detroit by the enemy would probably be the most effectual bar to the attainment of peace, then hoped for, and observed, "If this were really the case, I would undertake to recover it with a detachment of the army at any time. A few hundred pack-horses, with a drove of beeves (without artillery or heavy baggage), would subsist the fifteen hundred or two thousand men which I would select for the purpose until the residue of the army could arrive. But, having in view offensive operations from Detroit, an advance of this sort would be premature, and ultimately disadvantageous. No species of supplies are calculated on being found in the Michigan Territory. The farms upon the Raisin, which might have afforded a quantity of forage, are nearly all broken up and destroyed. This article, then, as well as the provisions for the men, is to be taken from this state – a circumstance which must at once put to rest every idea for a land conveyance at this season, since it would require at least two wagons with forage for each one that is loaded with provisions and other articles. My present plan is," he continued, "to occupy Upper Sandusky, and accumulate at that place as much provision and forage as possible, to be taken from thence upon sleds to the River Raisin. At Defiance, Fort Jennings, and St. Mary, boats and sleds are preparing to take advantage of a rise of water or a fall of snow."

At this time, the troops moving on the line of operations which passed from Franklinton (head-quarters) and Delaware, by Upper to Lower Sandusky, composed of the brigades from Virginia and Pennsylvania, and one of Ohio, under General Simon Perkins, 1 were designated in general orders, and known as the right wing of the army; Tupper’s brigade, that was to move on Hull’s road, by Fort M‘Arthur, was called the centre; and the Kentuckians under Winchester were styled the left wing. The Virginia and Pennsylvania troops were employed in escorting the artillery and military stores toward Upper Sandusky; the Ohio troops conveyed provisions from Manary’s Block-house, near the head of the Great Miami, twenty miles north of Urbana, to Forts M‘Arthur and Findlay, on Hull’s road; while the Kentuckians were traversing the swamps of the St. Mary and the Au Glaize, and descending those rivers in small craft, to carry provisions to Fort Winchester (Defiance) on the left wing. 2

Northwestern Ohio, particularly the settlements on the Western Reserve, 3 had been alive with excitement and patriotic zeal during all the autumn, and General Wadsworth, commander of the 4th Division of the Ohio Militia (the boundaries of which comprised the counties of Jefferson and Turnbull, thus embracing at least one third of the state) was continually, vigilantly, and efficiently employed in the promotion of measures for the defense of the frontier from the Maumee to Erie, and for the recovery of Michigan. In politics General Wadsworth was a Democrat of the Jefferson school. He had watched with interest and indignation the course of Great Britain for many years, and when the Congress of the nation declared war against her, he rejoiced in the act as a righteous and necessary one. He had been an active soldier of the Revolution, 4 and now, when his country needed his services, he cheerfully offered them. Although he was sixty-five years of age, he entered upon active military duties with energy with the late venerable Elisha Whittlesey, of Canfield, 5 and the late Honorable Benjamin Tappen, of Steubenville, Ohio, as his aid-de-camp. The former accompanied him to Cleveland from Canfield, 6 and the latter soon joined him there.

General Wadsworth was at his house in Canfield when intelligence of the surrender of Hull reached him. 7 The alarming rumors that prevailed concerning the imminence of an invasion called for immediate and energetic action. Wadsworth at once issued orders to the several brigadier generals of his division to muster the militia for the protection of the frontier from the immediate incursions of the British and their savage allies. Already citizens of the region adjacent to Canfield had formed a corps of dragoons, under Captain James Dowd. This company was ordered into the service; and so promptly did it respond to the call, that by noon the following day (Sunday, August 23d, 1812), it was on its march toward Cleveland as an honorary escort for the commanding general. They marched by the way of Hudson, 8 twenty-five miles from Cleveland, and breakfasted there, at Oviatt’s, on the morning of the 24th [August, 1812.]. Soon after resuming their march they met some of Hull’s paroled army, who had been landed from British boats at Cleveland. Their stories increased the panic caused by startling rumors, and many of the inhabitants along the lake were fleeing from their homes eastward or toward the Ohio, to avoid the apprehended oncoming evils. Wadsworth tried to allay the excitement, but it was rolling over the frontier in an almost resistless flood. When the cavalcade entered Cleveland that afternoon at four o’clock, it created great joy among the few inhabitants there. Two or three hours later Colonel Cass arrived at Cleveland from Detroit on his way to Washington City, and at the request of General Wadsworth he was accompanied to the seat of government by ex-governor Samuel Huntington, then at Cleveland, 9 as bearer of an important letter to the Secretary of War. In that letter Wadsworth informed the secretary that he had called out about three thousand of the militia of his division, to rendezvous at Cleveland, but was compelled to acknowledge them destitute of arms, ammunition, and proper equipments for a campaign, as well as the difficulty of feeding them. Properly estimating the value of the great Northwest to the Union, and the importance of these troops for its protection, as well as in the efforts to be made for the recovery of Michigan, "so dishonorably given up to the enemy," he urged the government to extend its immediate and unceasing aid in supplying the wants of this little army then hastening to the field. "The fate of the Western country," he said, "is suspended on the decision the government shall make to this application." 10

General Wadsworth did not wait for a reply. Necessity demanded instant action. He took the responsibility of appointing commissioners of supplies, and giving receipts to those who furnished them in the name of the government. 11 The people, with equal faith in the wisdom of the general and the justice of the government, responded without hesitation to the call for provisions and forage. Nor was that faith disappointed. By a letter dated the 5th of September, Wadsworth’s course was sanctioned by the War Department, and he was invested with full power to take measures for supplying his troops and giving efficiency to their service.

Intelligence came to Wadsworth almost hourly of the distress of the inhabitants on the Raisin, and along the lake shore eastward as far as the Huron River, who, in violation of the agreements of the capitulations at Detroit, were being plundered by the Indians even of their boots and shoes. Their homes were broken up by the marauders, and many of the inhabitants were fleeing for their lives. The benevolent Wadsworth was exceedingly anxious to send them relief; and it was with real joy that he welcomed the arrival at Cleveland, on the 26th of August, of General Simon Perkins with a large body of troops. He resolved to send him forward to the Huron immediately with a thousand men, to erect block-houses and protect the inhabitants. General Reazin Beall 12 was also directed to go westward on a similar errand; and preparations for their departure were nearly completed, when Wadsworth received dispatches from the Secretary of War saying that the President intended to adopt the most vigorous measures "to repair the disasters at Detroit," and to prosecute with increased ardor the important objects of the campaign. Wadsworth was directed to forward fifteen hundred men to the frontier as quickly as possible, with directions to "report to General Winchester, or officer commanding" there, at the same time promising an adequate supply of arms and ammunition. Arrangements for the movement were speedily made, and Perkins and Beall, who had been employed by Governor Meigs in opening a road from Mansfield, in the interior of Ohio (now capital of Richland County), to Lower Sandusky, were ordered toward the latter place. Some clashing of authority between Wadsworth and Meigs, and some complaints concerning affairs in the region bordering on Lake Erie, caused Harrison, who (as we have seen) was made commander-in-chief of the Northwestern Army, to make a personal examination of matters there toward the close of October. He found General Wadsworth near the mouth of the Huron River, at the head of eight hundred men. Beall, with about five hundred, was at Mansfield. The two corps were consolidated and placed under General Perkins, with orders to proceed to Lower Sandusky, and open a road thence to the Rapids of the Maumee; a severe task, for it was necessary to causeway it about fifteen miles. This was accomplished. Harrison returned to his head-quarters at Franklinton early in November, and on the 15th of that month was compelled to inform the War Department that he doubted the propriety of attempting to penetrate Canada, or to proceed farther than the Rapids during the winter, owing to the insurmountable difficulties in the way of transporting forage and supplies. "I know it will be mortifying to Kentucky," Harrison wrote to Governor Shelby, "for this army to return without doing any thing; but it is better to do that than to attempt impossibilities. I wish to God the public mind were informed of our difficulties, and gradually prepared for this course. In my opinion, we should in this quarter disband all but those sufficient for a strong frontier guard, convoys, etc., and prepare for the next season."

General Tupper had made another unsuccessful attempt to establish a permanent lodgment at the Maumee Rapids, and this failure doubtless gave nerve to Harrison’s convictions. We left Tupper at Urbana, after his difficulties with Winchester at Defiance. He pushed forward along Hull’s road to Fort M‘Arthur, and there he speedily prepared an expedition to the Rapids, consisting of six hundred and fifty mounted men who volunteered for the service. He had sent Captain Hinkson, at the head of a company of spies, to reconnoitre at the Rapids, who returned with a British captain, named Clarke, as his prisoner. The result of the reconnoissance was information that there were three or four hundred Indians, and about seventy-five British regulars at the Rapids, who were there for the purpose of carrying off a quantity of corn at that post. Tupper immediately notified General Winchester of his intended expedition, and, on the 10th [November, 1812.], moved forward with his command along Hull’s road toward the Rapids, taking with him a light six-pounder, and five days’ provisions in the knapsacks of the men.

The roads were wretched, and Tupper was compelled to leave his little cannon at a block-house on the way. From Portage River, twenty miles from the Rapids, he sent forward a reconnoitring party, following slowly with his whole command. Within a few miles of the Rapids he met his spies returning with information that the enemy were still there. Halting until twilight, he marched forward to a ford about two miles above the Rapids. Thence spies were again sent forward, and returned, saying, "They are closely encamped, and are singing and dancing." Tupper resolved to attack them at dawn, and orders were given to cross the river immediately. The sky was clear, and the weather intensely cold. The men were much fatigued, yet the excitement gave them strength. Tupper dashed into the icy flood at the head of his men, and crossed with the first section in safety; but the water, waist-deep at times, and flowing in a swift current, confused and swept from their feet many of the next division. They were exposed to great perils, but none were lost. After ineffectual attempts to accomplish the undertaking, those who had crossed were recalled, and the whole body retired to the woods and encamped.

Early the next morning Tupper sent to Winchester for re-enforcements and food; and some spies went down the river, showed themselves opposite the enemy’s camp, and tried to entice them across. They failed, when Tupper moved down with his whole body, and displayed the heads of his columns in the open space between the river and the woods. This frightened the enemy. "The squaws," said a contemporary writer, 13 "ran to the woods; the British ran to their boats, and escaped. The Indians, more brave than their allies, paraded, and fired across the river, but without effect." They used muskets and a four-pound cannon. Tupper then fell back, hoping the savages in a body would venture across the Maumee, but they did not. Some mounted Indians were seen to go up the stream, and at the same time some of Tupper’s men, contrary to orders, entered a field to pull corn, while others pursued a drove of hogs in the same direction. The latter were suddenly assailed by a party of mounted savages who had crossed unperceived, and four of Tupper’s men were killed. The Indians, excited by the shedding of blood, fell upon the left flank of the white army, but were repulsed. Almost at the same moment, a large body of the savages, under the notable chief Split-Log, who rode a fine white horse, crossed the river above the advance of Tupper’s column. They were driven back by Bentley’s battalion with some loss, and the Ohio troops were not again annoyed by them. Late in the evening Tupper and his men turned their faces toward Fort M‘Arthur, for their provisions were almost exhausted, and their nearest point of sure supply was forty miles distant.

Winchester, in the mean time, having received Tupper’s first message, had sent a detachment, under Colonel Lewis, of four hundred and fifty men, to co-operate with the Ohio troops. Tupper’s appeal for men and food, which reached him later, was forwarded to Lewis as soon as it was received by Winchester, and the former pushed forward by a forced march to the relief of the imperiled ones. Finding Tupper’s camp deserted, apparently with haste, and in it two dead men scalped, Lewis supposed he had been defeated. Under this impression, he retreated to Winchester’s camp. Thus ended this bold attempt to take position at the Rapids. The intentions of the projector failed, but the expedition had the effect to frighten the British and Indians away before they had gathered up the corn; and averted, for the time, a contemplated blow by the savages upon the alarmed French settlements on the Raisin, at the instigation of their British allies. 14

At about this time the American service in the Northwest lost a valuable friend. It was the settled policy of the government not to employ the Indians in war, but there were occasions when exceptions to the rule became a necessity. It was so in Ohio. There was an active, intelligent, and influential chief; a nephew of Tecumtha (son of his sister), who, when a boy, having been captured by General John Logan, of Kentucky, received that gentleman’s name, and bore it through life. His wife had also been a captive to a Kentuckian (Colonel Hardin), and both felt a warm attachment to the white people. Major Hardin (then in the Army of the Northwest, and son of Colonel Hardin) and Logan were true friends, and highly esteemed each other. Logan had much influence with his tribe, and when the war broke out he asked for employment in the American service. It was granted, because he might have been made an enemy. He accompanied Hull to Detroit, and was exceedingly active as a scout. We have also seen that Harrison employed him on a mission to Fort Wayne.

Soon after the return of Tupper from the Rapids, Logan and his followers were sent toward that post to reconnoitre. They met a strong opposing party, and, to save themselves, scattered in every direction. Captain Logan, with two friends (Captains John and Bright Horn), made his way to Winchester’s camp, where he related their adventures. His fidelity was ungenerously suspected, and he was believed to be a spy. His pride and every sentiment of manhood were deeply wounded by the suspicion, and he resolved to vindicate his character by actions rather than by words. He started [November 22, 1812.] with his two friends for the Rapids, with the determination to bring in a prisoner or a scalp. They had not gone far when they were made prisoners themselves by a son of Colonel Elliott and some Indians, among whom was Win-ne-meg, or Win-ne-mac – the Pottawatomie chief who bore Hull’s dispatch from Fort Wayne to Chicago. 15 He was now an ally of the British. He knew Logan well, and rejoiced in being the captor of an old enemy. The latter resolved to make a desperate effort for liberty. His companions were made to understand significant signs, and at a concerted signal they attacked their captors. Logan shot Win-ne-meg dead. Elliott and a young Ottawa chief were also slain. Logan was badly wounded, so was Bright Horn; but they leaped upon the backs of horses of the enemy and escaped to Winchester’s camp. Captain John followed the next morning with the scalp of the Ottawa. Logan’s honor and fidelity were fully vindicated, but at the cost of his life – his wound was mortal. After he had suffered great agony for two days, his spirit returned to the Great Master of Life. Proctor had offered, it is said, one hundred and fifty dollars for his scalp. It was never taken from his head. His body was carried in mournful procession, by Major Hardin and others, to Wa-pagh-ko-netta, 16 where his family resided, and was buried there with mingled savage rites and military honors. The scalp of the slain Ottawa, raised upon a pole, was carried in the funeral procession and then taken to the council-house. Logan’s death was mourned as a public calamity, for he was one of the most intelligent, active, and trustworthy of Harrison’s scouts.

At this time the Miamis, nearly all of whom had become wedded to the interests of the British, were assembled, with some Delawares from White River, in towns on the Mississiniwa, a tributary of the Wabash, fifteen or twenty miles from its confluence with the latter stream, near the boundary-line between the present Wabash and Grant Counties, Indiana. They were evidently there for hostile purposes, and General Harrison resolved to destroy or disperse them. He detached for the purpose Lieutenant Colonel John B. Campbell, of the Nineteenth Regiment of United States Infantry, 17 composed mainly of Colonel Simrall’s regiment of Kentucky dragoons; a squadron of United States volunteer dragoons, commanded by Major James V. Ball; and a corps of infantry, consisting of Captain Elliott’s company of the Nineteenth United States Regiment, Butler’s Pittsburg Blues, and Alexander’s Pennsylvania Riflemen. A small company of spies and guides were attached to the expedition.

Campbell left Franklinton, the head-quarters of the Army of the Northwest, on the 25th of November, with his troops, instructed by Harrison to march for the Mississiniwa by way of Springfield, Xenia, Dayton, Eaton, and Greenville, so as to avoid the Delaware towns. He was also instructed to save, if he could do so without risk to the expedition, Chiefs Richardville (then second chief of the Miamis), Silver Heels, and the White Lion, all of which, with Pecan, the principal chief of the Miamis, and Charley, the leader of the Eel River tribe, were known to be friendly to the white people. The son and brother of Little Turtle were also to be saved, if possible; also old Godfroy and his wife, who were true friends of the Americans.

It was the middle of December before the expedition left Dayton, on account of delay in procuring horses. Their destination was eighty miles distant. Each soldier was required to carry twelve days’ rations, and a bushel of corn for forage. The ground was hard frozen and covered with snow, and the weather was intensely cold, yet they marched forty miles the first two days. On the third they made a forced march, and during that day and night they advanced another forty miles, when they reached the Mississiniwa, and fell upon a town inhabited by a number of Miamis and Delawares. Eight warriors were slain, and eight others, with thirty-two women and children, were made prisoners. The town was laid in ashes with the exception of two houses, which were left for the shelter of the captives. Cattle and other stock were slaughtered.

Campbell left the prisoners in charge of a sufficient guard, and pushed on down the river three miles to Silver Heels’s village with Simrall’s and Ball’s dragoons. It was deserted; so also were two other towns near. These were destroyed, with many cattle. They captured several horses, and with these and a very small quantity of corn they returned to the scene of their first victory, and encamped for the night on the shore of the Mississiniwa. The camp was about two hundred yards square, and fortified with a small redoubt at each angle. The infantry and riflemen were posted in front, on the bank of the river, Captain Elliott’s company on the right, Butler’s in the centre, and Alexander’s on the left. Major Ball’s squadron occupied the right and one half of the rear line, and Colonel Simrall’s regiment the left and other half of the rear line. Between Ball’s right and Simrall’s left there was a considerable opening. Major Ball was the officer of the day.

At midnight the sentinels reported the presence of Indians, and a fire was seen down the river. The greatest vigilance was exercised, and the reveille was beaten at four o’clock in the morning. Adjutant Payne immediately summoned the field officers to a council at the fire of the commander to consult upon the propriety of going on twelve miles farther down the river, to attack one of the principal towns there. While the officers were in council, half an hour before dawn [December 18, 1812.], the camp was startled by terrific yells, followed immediately by a furious attack of a large body of savages who had crept stealthily along the margin of the river. Every officer flew to his post, and in a few moments the lines were formed, and the Indians were confronted with a heavy fire. The attack was made upon the angle of the camp, formed by the left of Captain Hopkins’s troops and the right of Captain Garrard’s dragoons of Simrall’s regiment. Captain Pierce, who commanded at the redoubt there, was shot and tomahawked, and his guard retreated to the lines. The conflict soon became general along the right flank and part of the rear. The Pittsburg Blues promptly re-enforced the point assailed, and gallantly kept the savages at bay. For an hour the battle raged furiously. It was finally terminated, between dawn and sunrise, by a well-directed fire from Butler’s Pittsburg corps, and desperate charges of cavalry under Captains Trotter, Markle, 18 and Johnson, when the Indians fled in dismay, leaving fifteen of their warriors dead on the field. Campbell had lost eight killed and forty-two wounded. Several of the latter afterward died of their wounds. 19 Campbell had one hundred and seven horses killed. What the whole loss of the Indians was could not be ascertained, but it is supposed that they carried away as many mortally wounded as they left dead on the field. Little Thunder, a nephew of Little Turtle, was in the engagement, and performed great service in inspiring his people with confidence by stirring words and gallant deeds. Although Silver Heels, a friend of the Americans (and who was with their army on the Niagara frontier the following year), was not present, nearly all of the prisoners were of his band. He did every thing in his power to persuade his young warriors to remain neutral, but in vain.

Rumors reached Campbell immediately after the battle that Tecumtha, with five or six hundred warriors, was on the Mississiniwa, only eighteen miles below. Without calling a council, the commander immediately ordered a retreat for Greenville. He sent a messenger (Captain Hite) thither for re-enforcements and supplies, for he expected to be attacked on the way. Fortunately the savages did not pursue. It was a dreadful journey, especially for the sick and wounded, in that keen winter air. They moved slowly, for seventeen men had to be conveyed on litters. Every night the camp was fortified by a breastwork. At length, wearied and with little food, they met provisions with an escort of ninety men under Major Adams. The relief was timely and most grateful. All moved forward together, and on the 25th, with three hundred men so frostbitten as to be unfit for duty, the expedition arrived at Greenville. More than one half the corps that a month before had gone gayly to the wilderness were now lost to the service for a while. They had accomplished their errand, but at a great cost. 20 The commander-in-chief of the army of the Northwest, in a general order, congratulated Lieutenant Colonel Campbell on his success, and commended him for his obedience to orders, his gallantry, and his magnanimity. 21

These expeditions against the savages produced salutary effects, and smoothed the way for the final recovery of Michigan. They separated the friends and enemies of the Americans effectually. The line between them was distinctly drawn. There were no middle-men left. The Delawares on the White River, and others who desired to be friendly, and who had been invited to settle on the Au Glaize in Ohio, now accepted the invitation. 22 The other tribes, who had cast their lot with the British, were made to feel the miseries of war, and to repent of their folly. So severe had been the chastisement, and so alarmed were the tribes farther north, who received the fugitives from the desolated villages on the Wabash and the Illinois at the close of 1812, that Tecumtha’s dream of a confederacy of Indians that should drive the white man across the Ohio was rapidly fading as he awoke to the reality of an unsuspected power before him, and the folly of putting his trust in princes – in other words, relying upon the promises of the representatives of the sovereignty of England to aid him in his patriotic schemes. Before the war was fairly commenced, the spirits of the Indians, so buoyant because of the recent misfortunes of the Americans in the Northwest, were broken, and doubt and dismay filled the minds of all excepting those who were under the immediate command and influence of the great Shawnoese leader.

As winter came on the sufferings and difficulties of Harrison’s invading army were terrible, especially that of the left wing under Winchester, which was the most advanced, and the most remote from supplies. Early in November typhus fever was slaying three or four of his small command daily, and three hundred were upon the sick-list at one time. So discouraging became the prospect at the beginning of December of reaching even the Rapids, that, having proceeded about six miles below the Au Glaize, Winchester, partly from necessity and partly to deceive the enemy, ordered huts to be built for the winter shelter of the troops. Clothing was scanty, and at times the whole corps would be without flour for several days. These privations were owing chiefly to the difficulty of transportation. The roads were wretched beyond the conception of those who have not been in that region at the same season of the year. It was swamp, swamp, swamp, with only here and there a strip of terra firma in plight almost as wretched. The pack-horses sank to their knees, and wagon-wheels to their hubs in the mud. Wasting weariness fell upon man and beast in the struggle, and the destruction of horses was prodigious. "The fine teams which arrived on the 10th at Sandusky with the artillery," wrote Harrison to the Secretary of War on the 12th of December, "are entirely worn down; and two trips from M‘Arthur’s block-house, our nearest deposit to the Rapids, will completely destroy a brigade of pack-horses." It was sometimes found impossible to get even empty wagons through the mire, and they were abandoned, the teamsters being glad to get out with their horses alive; and sometimes the quarter-master, taking advantage of suddenly frozen mud, would send off a quantity of provisions, which would be swamped and lost by a sudden thaw. Water transportation was quite as difficult. Sometimes the streams would be too low for loaded boats to navigate; then they would be found crooked, narrow, and obstructed by logs; and again sudden cold would produce so much ice that it would be almost impossible to move forward. Then sleds would be resorted to until a thaw would drive the precious freight to floating vessels again. Such is a glimpse of the difficulties encountered in that wilderness of Northern Ohio; but it affords a faint idea of the hardships of the little invading army trying to make its way toward Detroit. All this was endured by the patriotic soldiers without scarcely a murmur.

In view of all these difficulties, the enormous expense of transportation, and the advantages which dishonest contractors were continually taking, Harrison suggested to the War Department, at about the middle of December, that if there existed no urgent political necessity for the recovering of Michigan and the invasion of Canada during the winter, the amount of increased expenditure of transportation at that season of the year might be better applied to the construction of a small fleet that should command the waters of Lake Erie – a suggestion made by Hull, but little heeded, early in the year. 23 The response came from the pen of a new head of the War Department. Dr. Eustis 24 had resigned, and James Monroe, the only man in the cabinet who had experienced actual military service, had succeeded him. With a more perfect knowledge of military affairs, he better comprehended the character of the campaign; and, having perfect confidence in the commander-in-chief of the Northwestern Army, he reiterated the instructions of his predecessor to Harrison, directing him to conduct the campaign according to his own judgment, promising, at the same time, that the government would take immediate measures for securing the command of Lake Erie. Only on two points were positive instructions given: First, in the event of penetrating Canada, not to promise the inhabitants any thing but the protection of life, liberty, and property; and, secondly, not to make any temporary acquisitions, but to proceed so surely that any position which he might obtain would be absolutely permanent.

Early in December a detachment of General Perkins’s brigade reached Lower Sandusky (now Fremont, Ohio), and repaired an old stockade there which had protected an Indian store. The remainder of the brigade arrived soon afterward. On the 10th a battalion of Pennsylvania troops made their appearance there, with twenty-one pieces of artillery, which had been escorted from Pittsburg by Lieutenant Hukill. Very soon afterward a regiment of the same troops and part of a Virginia brigade arrived, speedily followed by General Harrison, who made his head-quarters there on the 20th. He remained but a little while. There he received the second dispatch [December 25th] from Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, giving a more detailed account of his expedition to the Mississiniwa. Harrison at once repaired to Chillicothe to consult with Governor Meigs on the propriety of fitting out another expedition in the same direction, to complete the work begun by destroying the lower Mississiniwa towns. The project was abandoned.

The whole effective force in the Northwest did not exceed six thousand three hundred infantry, 25 and a small artillery and cavalry force; yet Harrison determined to press forward to the Rapids, and beyond if possible. From Lower Sandusky he dispatched Ensign Charles S. Todd, then division judge advocate of the Kentucky troops, to communicate instructions to Winchester. He was accompanied by two white men and three Wyandottes. He bore oral instructions from General Harrison to General Winchester, directing the latter to advance toward the Rapids when he should have accumulated twenty days’ provisions, and there commence building huts, to deceive the enemy into the belief that he intended to winter there; at the same time to prepare sleds for an advance toward Malden, but to conceal from his troops their intended use. He was also to inform Winchester that the different lines of the army would be concentrated at the Rapids, and all would proceed from thence toward Malden, if the ice on the Detroit River should be found strong enough to bear them. Young Todd performed this dangerous and delicate duty with such success that he received the highest commendations of his general.

AMeanwhile Leslie Combs, another Kentuckian, a brave and spirited young man of scarcely nineteen years, who had joined Winchester’s army as a volunteer on its march from Fort Wayne to Defiance, had been sent by Winchester to Harrison on an errand fraught with equal peril. He bore a dispatch to Harrison communicating the fact that the left wing had moved toward the Rapids on the 30th of December. Combs traversed the pathless wilderness on foot, accompanied by a single guide (A. Ruddle), through snow and water, for at least one hundred miles, enduring privations which almost destroyed him. He, too, performed his mission so gallantly and satisfactorily that his general thanked him. These two messengers, who passed each other in the mazes of the great Black Swamp fifty years ago – young, ambitious, patriotic, and daring – performed other excellent service during the war, as we shall have occasion to observe. Combs and Todd are still [1867] living; both residents of Kentucky, enjoying a green old age, and wearing the honors of their country’s gratitude. I had the pleasure of meeting them both during 1861, and listening to interesting narrations of their experiences in that war. Portraits and biographical sketches of these heroes [Combs - Todd] may be found in future pages of this work. 26

While on his march toward the Rapids, Winchester received a letter from Harrison recommending him to abandon the movement, because, if, as Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, in his second dispatch [December 25.], had been informed, Tecumtha was on the Wabash with five or six hundred followers, he might advance rapidly and capture or destroy all the provisions in Winchester’s rear. It was this second dispatch of Campbell, as we have seen, that sent Harrison in such haste back to Chillicothe, to consult with Governor Meigs.

Winchester did not heed the cautious suggestions of his superior, but pressed on toward the Rapids. General Payne, with six hundred and seventy men, was sent forward to clear the way. Payne went down the Maumee several miles below old Fort Miami, but saw no signs of an enemy. The remainder of the army arrived at the Rapids on the 10th of January, 1813, and established a fortified camp on a pleasant eminence of an oval form, covered with trees and having a prairie in the rear. This was a little above Wayne’s battle-ground in 1794, opposite the camp-ground of Hull at the close of June, 1812, and known as Presque Isle Hill. 27 On the day of their arrival, an Indian camp, lately deserted, was discovered. Captain Williams, with a small detachment, gave chase to the fugitives, whom he overtook and routed.

The enlistments of the Kentucky troops would expire in February, and Harrison had requested Winchester to endeavor to raise a new regiment among them to serve six months longer. Inaction and suffering had greatly demoralized them. There was so much insubordination among them that Winchester had little confidence in their strength. Harrison, on the contrary, believed that active service would quicken them into good soldiers, and did not hesitate to include them in those on whom he would most rely in his expedition against Malden. Events justified that faith and confidence.

Winchester was now satisfied that the pleadings of humanity would speedily summon him to the Raisin. First came rumors that the enemy, exasperated by their want of success in their recent movements, were preparing at Malden an expedition to move upon Frenchtown, on the Raisin, for the purpose of intercepting the expedition from Ohio on its way to Detroit. These rumors were speedily followed by messengers from Frenchtown [January 13, 1813.], made almost breathless by alarm and rapid traveling, bringing intelligence that the Indians whom Williams had scattered had passed them on their way to Malden, uttering threats of a sweeping destruction of the inhabitants and their habitations on the Raisin. Others soon followed [January 14th and 16th.], deeply agitated by alarm, and, like the first, earnestly pleaded for the shield of military power to avert the impending blow. The troops, moved by the most generous impulses, were anxious to march instantly to the defense of the alarmed people. Harrison, the commander-in-chief, was at Upper Sandusky, 28 sixty-five miles distant, and could not be consulted. Winchester called a council of officers. The majority advised an immediate march toward the Raisin, between thirty-five and forty miles distant by the route to be traveled. This decision was approved by Winchester’s judgment and humane impulses, and on the morning of the 17th he detailed Colonel Lewis and five hundred and fifty men in that direction. A few hours afterward Colonel Allen was sent with one hundred and ten men. Lewis’s instructions were "to attack the enemy, beat them, and take possession of Frenchtown and hold it." These overtook Lewis and his party at Presque Isle, a point on Maumee Bay a little below, opposite the present city of Toledo, about twenty miles from the Rapids. There Lewis was told that there were four hundred British Indians at the Raisin, and that Colonel Elliott was expected with a detachment from Malden to attack Winchester’s camp at the Rapids. This information was sent by express to General Winchester, whose courier was on the point of starting with a message to General Harrison, informing him of the movement toward the Raisin, and suggesting the probable necessity of a co-operating force from the right wing.

Colonel Lewis remained all night at Presque Isle. The weather was intensely cold, and strong ice covered Maumee Bay and the shore of Lake Erie. On that glittering bridge the Americans moved early and rapidly on the morning of the 18th, and were within six miles of their destination before they were discovered by the scouts of the enemy. On the shore of the lake, in snow several inches in depth, the little army calmly breakfasted, and then marched steadily forward through timber lands to an open savanna in three lines, so arranged as to fall into battle order in a moment. The right, composed of the companies of M‘Cracken, Bledsoe, and Matson, was commanded by Colonel Allen; the left, led by Major Green, was composed of the companies of Hamilton, Williams, and Kelley; and the centre, under Major Madison, contained the corps of Captains Hightown, Collier, and Sebrees. The advanced guard was composed of the companies of Captains Hickman, Glaives, and James, and were under the command of Captain Ballard, acting as major. The chief of the little army was Colonel Lewis.

Frenchtown, 29 at the time in question, was a flourishing settlement containing thirty-three families, twenty-two of whom resided on the north side of the Raisin. Gardens and orchards were attached to their houses, and these were inclosed with heavy pickets, called "puncheons," made of sapling logs split in two, driven in the ground, and sometimes sharpened at top. The houses were built of logs of good size, and furnished with most of the conveniences of domestic life. Two days after the surrender of Detroit, as we have seen, this place was taken possession of by Colonel Elliott, who came from Malden for the purpose with authority from General Brock. The weapons and horses of the inhabitants were left on parole, and protection to life and property was promised. The protection was not given, and for a long time the inhabitants were plundered not only by the Indians, but by Canadians, French, and British, 30 and were kept in a state of almost continual alarm by their threats. In the autumn two companies of the Essex (Canadian) militia, two hundred in number, under Major Reynolds, and about four hundred Indians, led by Round-head and Walk-in-the-water, 31 were stationed there, and these composed the force that confronted Colonel Lewis when he approached Frenchtown on the 18th of January, 1813, and formed a line of battle on the south side of the Raisin, within a quarter of a mile of the village. Lewis’s force numbered less than seven hundred men, armed only with muskets and other light weapons. The enemy had a howitzer 32 in position, directed by bombardier Kitson, of the Royal Artillery.

When within three miles of Frenchtown Colonel Lewis was informed that the enemy was on the alert and ready to receive him; and as the Americans approached the village on the south side, the howitzer of the foe was opened upon the advancing column, but without effect. Lewis’s line of battle was instantly formed, and the whole detachment moved steadily forward to the river, which was hard frozen, and in many places very slippery. They crossed it in the face of blazing muskets, and then the long roll was beaten, and a general charge was executed. The Americans rushed gallantly up the bank, leaped the garden pickets, dislodged the enemy, and drove him back toward the forests. Majors Graves and Madison attempted to capture the howitzer, but failed. Meanwhile the allies were retreating in a line inclining eastward, when they were attacked on their left by Colonel Allen, who pursued them more than half a mile to the woods. There they made a stand with their howitzer and small-arms, covered by a chain of inclosed lots and groups of houses, and having in their rear a thick, brushy wood, full of fallen timber. While in this position Majors Graves and Madison moved upon the enemy’s right, while Allen was sorely pressing his left. The enemy fell back into the wood, closely pursued, and the conflict became extremely hot on the right wing of the Americans, where both whites and Indians were concentrated. The contest lasted from three o’clock until dark, the enemy all the while slowly retreating over a space of not less than two miles, gallantly contesting every foot of the ground. The detachments returned to the village in the evening, and encamped for the night on the ground which the enemy had occupied. American officers occupied the same buildings in which the British officers had lived. The troops had behaved nobly. There had not been a single case of delinquency. "This amply supported," as was said, "the double character of Americans and Kentuckians," and fully vindicated the faith and judgment of General Harrison. Twelve of the Americans were killed and fifty-five wounded. Among the latter was Captain B. W. Ballard, 33 who gallantly led the van in the fight; also Captains Paschal, Hickman, 34 and Richard Matson. 35 The loss of the enemy must have been much greater, for they left fifteen dead in the open field, while the most sanguinary portion of the conflict occurred in the wood. That night the Indians gathered their dead and wounded, and, on their retreat toward Malden, killed some of the inhabitants and pillaged their houses.

As soon as his little army was safely encamped in the village gardens, behind the strong "puncheon" pickets, and his wounded men comfortably housed, on the night of the battle [January 18, 1813.], Colonel Lewis sent a messenger to General Winchester with a brief report of the action and his situation. 36 He arrived at Winchester’s camp before dawn, and an express was immediately dispatched to General Harrison with the tidings.

Lewis called a council of officers in the morning, when it was resolved to hold the place and wait for re-enforcements from the Rapids. They were not long waiting. From the moment when intelligence of the affair at Frenchtown was known in Winchester’s camp, the troops were in a perfect ferment. All were eager to press northward, not doubting that the victory at the Raisin was the harbinger of continued success until Detroit and Malden should be in the possession of the Americans. It was also apparent that Lewis’s detachment was in a critical situation; for Malden, the principal rendezvous of the British and Indians in the Northwest, was only eighteen miles from Frenchtown, and that every possible method would be instantly put forth to recover what had been lost, and bar farther progress toward Detroit. Accordingly, on the evening of the 19th [January.], General Winchester, accompanied by Colonel Samuel Wells, of Tippecanoe fame, marched from the Maumee toward Frenchtown with less than three hundred men, it being unsafe to withdraw more from the camp at the Rapids. He arrived at Frenchtown at three o’clock in the afternoon of the next day, crossed the river, and encamped the troops in an open field on the right of Lewis’s forces, 37 excepting a small detachment under Captain Morris, left behind as a rear-guard with the baggage. Leaving Colonel Wells in command of the re-enforcements, after suggesting the propriety of a fortified camp, Winchester, with his staff, recrossed the Raisin, and established his head-quarters at the house of Colonel Francis Navarre, on the south side of the river, and more than half a mile from the American lines. 38

WINCHESTER’S HEAD-QUARTERS.

According to the testimony of an officer of the expedition, very little vigilance was exercised by General Winchester. Spies were not sent out to reconnoitre, nor any measures adopted for strengthening the camp. A large quantity of fixed ammunition, sent to Winchester’s quarters from the Rapids, was not distributed, although the re-enforcements had only ten rounds of cartridges each; and the urgent recommendation of Colonel Wells that the quarters of the commander-in-chief and the principal officers should be with the troops was unheeded. 39

On the morning of the 21st Winchester requested Peter Navarre and his four brothers to go on a scout toward the mouth of the Detroit River. Peter was still living when I visited the Maumee Valley in the autumn of 1860, and accompanied me from Toledo to the Rapids. He was a young man at the time in question, full of courage and physical strength. He and his brothers complied with Winchester’s request with alacrity. They saw a man, far distant, coming toward them on the ice. He proved to be Joseph Bordeau, whose daughter Peter afterward married. He had escaped from Malden, and was bringing the news that the British would be at the Raisin, with a large body of Indians, that night. Peter hastened back to Winchester with this intelligence. Jacques La Salle, a resident of Frenchtown, in the interest of the British, was present, and asserted, in the most positive language, that it must be a mistake. Winchester’s fears were allayed. Peter was dismissed with a laugh, and no precautions to insure safety were taken by the general. 40 Another scout confirmed this intelligence during the afternoon. The general was still incredulous. Late in the evening news came to Lewis’s camp that a very large force of British and Indians, with several pieces of heavy artillery, were at Stony Creek, only a few miles distant, and would be at Frenchtown before morning. The picket-guard was immediately doubled, and word was sent to the commanding general. He did not believe a word of it; but Colonel Wells, who did believe the first rumor brought by Bordeau, had meanwhile hastened to the Rapids with Captain Lanham for re-enforcements, leaving his detachment in charge of Major M‘Clanahan.

When the late evening rumors had been communicated to Winchester, the field officers remained up, expecting every moment to receive a summons to attend a council at head-quarters. They were disappointed. The general disbelieved the alarming rumors; and before midnight a deep repose rested upon the camp, as if some trusted power had guaranteed perfect security. The sentinels, as we have observed, were well posted, but, owing to the severity of the weather, no pickets were sent out upon the roads leading to the town. All but the chief officers in Lewis’s camp and some better-informed inhabitants seemed perfectly free from apprehension. At head-quarters the night was passed by the general and his staff in sweet slumber; but just as the reveille was beaten, between four and five o’clock in the morning, and the drummer-boy was playing the Three Camps, the sharp crack of the sentinels’ muskets firing an alarm was heard by still dull ears. These were followed immediately by a shower of bombshells and canister-shot hurled from several pieces of ordnance, accompanied by a furious charge of almost invisible British regulars, and the terrible yells of painted savages. The sounds and missiles fell upon the startled camp with appalling suddenness, giving fearful significance to the warnings, and a terrible fulfillment of the predictions uttered the previous evening. Night had not yet yielded its gloomy sceptre to Day. The character and number of assailants were unknown. All was mystery, terrible and profound; and the Americans had nothing else to do but to oppose force to force, as gallantly as possible, until the revelations of daylight should point to strategy, skill, or prowess for safety and victory.

The exposed re-enforcements in the open field were driven in toward Lewis’s picketed camp, after bravely maintaining a severe conflict for some time. At this moment General Winchester arrived, and endeavored to rally the retreating troops behind a "puncheon" fence and second bank of the Raisin, so that they might incline to the right, and find shelter behind Lewis’s camp. His efforts were vain. The British and their savage allies were pressing too heavily upon the fugitives; and when at length a large body of Indians gained their right flank, they were thrown into the greatest confusion, and fled pell-mell across the river, carrying with them a detachment of one hundred men which Lewis had sent out for their support. Seeing this, Lewis and Allen joined Winchester in his attempt to rally the troops behind the houses and fences on the south side of the Raisin, leaving the camp in the gardens in charge of Majors Graves and Madison. But all efforts to stop the flight of the soldiers were vain. The Indians, more fleet than they, had gained their flank, and swarmed in the woods on the line of their retreat, while those who made their way along a narrow lane leading from the village to the road from the Rapids were shot down and scalped by the savages skulking behind the trees and fences. Others, who rushed into the woods hoping to find shelter there from the fury of the terrible storm, were met at every turn by the bloody butchers, and scarcely one escaped. Within the space of a hundred yards, near Plum or Mill Creek, nearly one hundred Kentuckians fell under the hatchets of hired savages, who snatched the "scalp-locks" from their heads, and afterward bore them in triumph to Fort Malden to receive the market price for that precious article of commerce. 41 Death and mutilation met the fugitives on every side, whether in flight or in submission, and all about that little village the snow was crimsoned with human blood. On that dreadful morning it was on the part of the allies of the British a war of extermination. 42

General Winchester and Colonel Lewis were made prisoners by Round-head, 43 at a bridge about three fourths of a mile from the village, stripped of their clothes except shirt, pantaloons, and boots, and in this plight were taken to the quarters of the British commander, who proved to be Colonel Proctor, the unworthy successor of the worthy Brock in the command at Detroit and Amherstburg. He was in Fort Malden, at the latter place, when intelligence of Lewis’s occupation of Frenchtown reached him, and he made immediate preparations to drive the Americans back. The British and Indians expelled from Frenchtown on the 18th had fallen back with their howitzer to Brownstown, where Proctor joined them, on the evening of the 20th, with a detachment of the 41st Regiment, one hundred and forty in number, under Lieutenant Colonel St. George; the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, under Colonel Vincent; and a part of the 10th Veteran Battalion and some seamen. These, with Reynolds’s militia and a party of the Royal Artillery, with three three-pounders and the howitzer already mentioned, made a white force about five hundred strong. The Indians, under Round-head and Walk-in-the-Water, numbered about six hundred. With these Proctor advanced from Brownstown on the morning of the 21st, and halted at Swan Creek, twelve miles on the way. There he remained until dusk, when the march was resumed. So great was the lack of vigilance on the part of the Americans that Proctor’s troops and guns were made ready for assault before their presence was positively known. Then followed the attack just recorded.

While the right wing of Lewis’s army and Winchester’s re-enforcements were suffering destruction, the left and centre, under Majors Graves and Madison, were nobly defending themselves in the garden picketed camp. They maintained their position manfully against the powerful assault of the enemy. The British had planted their howitzer within two hundred yards of the camp (and eastward of it), behind a small house about forty rods from the river, upon the road to Detroit. It was a formidable assailant, but it was soon silenced by the Kentucky sharp-shooters behind the pickets, who first killed the horse and driver of the sleigh that conveyed ammunition, and then picked off thirteen of the sixteen men in charge of the gun. It was soon drawn back so far that its shot had no effect on the "puncheon;" and at ten o’clock, perceiving all efforts of his white troops to dislodge the Americans to be fruitless, Proctor withdrew his forces to the woods, with the intention of either abandoning the contest, or awaiting the return of his savage allies, who were having their feast of blood beyond the Raisin. When the assailants withdrew, the Americans quietly breakfasted.

While the troops were eating, a white flag was seen approaching from the British line. Major Madison, believing it to be a token of truce while the British might bury their dead, went out to meet it. It was borne by Major Overton, one of General Winchester’s staff, who was accompanied by Colonel Proctor. He brought an order from General Winchester directing the unconditional surrender of all the troops as prisoners of war. This was the first intelligence received by the gallant left wing that their chief was a captive. Proctor had dishonorably taken advantage of his situation to extort that order from him. He assured Winchester that as soon as the Indians, fresh from the massacre from which he had escaped, should join his camp, the remainder of the Americans would be easily captured, concealing from him the fact that they had already driven the British back to the woods. He represented to the general that, in such an event, "nothing would save the Americans from an indiscriminate massacre by the Indians." Totally ignorant of the condition of the remnant of his little army, and horrified by the butchery of which he had just been a witness, Winchester yielded, and sent Major Overton with the orders just mentioned.

Madison, surprised and mortified, refused to obey the order except on conditions. "It has been customary for the Indians," he observed, "to massacre the wounded and prisoners after a surrender; I shall therefore not agree to any capitulation which General Winchester may direct, unless the safety and protection of all the prisoners shall be stipulated." The haughty Proctor stamped his foot, and said, with a supercilious air, "Sir, do you mean to dictate to me!" "I mean to dictate for myself," Madison replied, with firmness. "We prefer selling our lives as dearly as possible rather than be massacred in cold blood." Proctor, who was scorned by Brock for his jealousy and innate meanness, and is remembered with dislike by the Canadians, who knew him as innately cruel and cowardly, 44 quailed before the honest, manly bravery of Madison, and solemnly agreed that all private property should be respected; that sleds should be sent the next morning to remove the sick and wounded to Amherstburg; that the disabled should be protected by a proper guard; and that the sidearms of the officers should be returned when the captives should reach Malden. Proctor refused to commit these conditions to writing, but pledged his honor as a soldier and a gentleman that they should be observed. Madison was ignorant of Proctor’s poverty in all that constituted a soldier and man of honor, and trusted to his promises. On the conditions named, he and his officers agreed to surrender themselves and their men prisoners of war.

Before the surrender was fairly completed the Indians began to plunder, when Major Madison ordered his men to resist them, even with ball and bayonet. the cowardly savages quailed before the courage of the white captives, and none of the prisoners were again molested by them while on their way to Malden. Quite different was the fate of the poor wounded men who were left behind. Having secured his object, Proctor violated his word of honor, and left them exposed to savage cruelty. Rumors came that Harrison was approaching, and the British commander, more intent on securing personal safety than the fulfillment of solemn promises, left for Malden with most of his savage allies, within an hour after the surrender, leaving as a "guard" only Major Reynolds and two or three interpreters. Proctor did not even name a guard, nor spoke of conveyances for the wounded after leaving Frenchtown; and when both Winchester and Madison reminded him of his promises and the peril of the wounded, he refused to hear them. It is evident that from the first that inhuman officer intended to abandon the wounded prisoners to their fate. Among them was Captain Hart, brother-in-law of Henry Clay, and inspector general of the Army of the Northwest. He was anxious to accompany the prisoners to Malden, but Captain Elliott, son of the notorious Colonel Elliott, who had known Hart intimately in Kentucky, assured him of perfect safety at Frenchtown, and promised to send his own conveyance for him the next morning. Elliott assured all the wounded that they need not apprehend danger, and that sleds from Malden would come for them in the morning.

The wounded were taken into the houses of the kind-hearted villagers, and cared for by Drs. Todd and Bowers, of the Kentucky Volunteers, who were left behind for the purpose. In every mind there was an indefinable dread when Proctor and his motley crew departed; and when it was known that he had promised his savage allies a "frolic" at Stony Creek, only about six miles from the Raisin, not only the wounded soldiers, but the villagers, and Major Reynolds himself felt a thrill of horror, for there could be no doubt that the drunken Indians, after their debauch, would return to Frenchtown to glut their appetites for blood and plunder. Even those who remained went from house to house, after Proctor’s departure, in search of plunder.

MOVEMENTS AT FRENCHTOWN. 45

The night following the battle was a fearful one at Frenchtown. Day dawned with hope, but the sun at his rising [January 23, 1813 {original text has "1812".}.] found the inhabitants and prisoners in despair. Instead of the promised sleds from Malden, about two hundred half-drunken savages, with their faces painted red and black in token of their fiendish purposes, came into the village. The chiefs held a brief council, and determined to kill and scalp all the wounded who were unable to travel, in revenge for the many comrades they had lost in the fight. This decision was announced by horrid yells, and the savages went out upon their bloody errand. They first plundered the village; then they broke into the houses where the wounded lay, stripped them of every thing, and then tomahawked and scalped them. The houses of Jean B. Jereaume and Gabriel Godfrey, that stood near the present dwelling of Matthew Gibson, sheltered a large number of prisoners. In the cellar of Jereaume’s house was stored a large quantity of whisky. This the savages took in sufficient quantities to madden them, when they set both dwellings on fire. A number of the wounded, unable to move, were consumed. Others, attempting to escape by the doors and windows, were tomahawked and scalped. Others, outside, were scalped and cast into the flames, and the remainder, who could walk, were marched off toward Malden. When any of them sank from exhaustion, they were killed and scalped. Doctor Todd, who had been tied and carried to Stony Creek, informed Elliott of what was going on at the Raisin, and begged him to send conveyances for the wounded, especially for Captain Hart; but that young officer coolly replied, "Charity begins at home; my own wounded must be carried to Malden first." He well knew that an hour more would be too late for rescue. 46

Major Graves was never heard of after the Maumee. Captain Hickman was murdered in Jereaume’s house. Captain Hart was removed from that house by Doctor Todd, before the massacre was commenced, to the dwelling of Jacques Navarre, about a mile up the river (now the Wadsworth brick house), under the charge of a friendly Pottawatomie chief. Hart offered him one hundred dollars to convey him in safety to Malden. The chief attempted it.

RESIDENCE OF LA SALLE.

Hart was placed on a horse, and when passing through the village, near the house of François La Salle 47 (who was suspected of complicity with the British), a Wyandot savage came out, and claimed the Captain as his prisoner. A dispute arose, and they finally settled it by agreeing to kill the prisoner, and dividing his money and clothes between them. So says the most reliable recorded history. 48 Local tradition declares that the Pottawatomie attempted to defend Captain Hart when the Wyandot shot and scalped him. There are many versions of the tragedy. He was buried near the place of his murder, but the exact spot is not known.

Proctor arrived with his prisoners at Amherstburg on the morning of the 23d of January, and on the 26th proceeded to Sandwich and Detroit. 49 Some of them were sent to Detroit, and others were forwarded to Fort George, on the Niagara, by way of the Thames. These suffered much from the severity of the weather and bad treatment of their guards. At Fort George they were mostly paroled, on condition that they should not "bear arms against his majesty or his allies during the war, or until exchanged." "Who are his majesty’s allies?" inquired Major Madison. The officer addressed, doubtless ashamed to own the disgrace in words, said, "His majesty’s allies are known." General Winchester, Colonel Lewis, 50 and Major Madison, 51 were sent to Quebec, and at Beauport, near that city, they were confined until the spring of 1814, when a general exchange of prisoners took place.

The loss of the Americans in the affair at the Raisin was nine hundred and thirty-four. Of these, one hundred and ninety-seven were killed and missing; the remainder were made prisoners. Of the whole army of about a thousand men, only thirty-three escaped. The loss of the British, according to Proctor’s report, was twenty-four killed, and one hundred and fifty-eight wounded. The loss of their Indian allies is not known. The event was a terrible blow to Kentucky. It caused mourning in almost every family. The first shock of grief was succeeded by intense exasperation, and the war-cry of Kentucky soldiers after that was, Remember the River Raisin!

At Sandwich Proctor wrote his dispatch [January 26, 1813 {original text has "1812".}.] to Sir George Prevost, the commander-in-chief in Canada, giving an account of his expedition to Frenchtown, and highly commending the conduct of his savage allies. 52 His private representations were such that the evidently deceived Assembly of Lower Canada passed a vote of thanks to him and his men, and the equally duped Sir George promoted him to the rank of brigadier general "until the pleasure of the Prince Regent should be known." 53 That "pleasure" was to confirm the appointment, and thereby the British government indorsed his conduct.

I visited Frenchtown (now Monroe), in Michigan, early in October, 1860. I went down from Detroit by railway early in the morning, after a night of tempest – mingled lightning, wind, and rain. The air was cool and pure, and the firmament was overhung with beautiful cloud-pictures. I bore a letter of introduction to the Honorable D. S. Bacon, a resident of the place for almost forty years, who kindly spent the day with me in visiting persons and places of interest on that memorable spot.

MONROE, FROM THE BATTLE-GROUND.

Crossing the bridge to the north side of the stream, we passed down Water Street toward the site of La Salle’s, the camp of Colonel Lewis, and other places connected with the battle and massacre already described. We met the venerable Judge Durocher, already mentioned in the narrative as one of the actors in the scenes there – a short, dark-complexioned man of French descent – who pointed out the spot, in an open lot between Water Street and the river, not far from where we were standing, a little westward of La Salle’s house, where Captain Hart was murdered by the Indians. Promising me another and longer interview at his office, we left Judge Durocher, and passed on to the site of La Salle’s dwelling, then the property of Hon. D. S. Noble, delineated on page 359, a part of which yet remains, with a pear-tree planted there during the last century. Not far below this we came to the railway and the common road leading from the Raisin to Detroit. On the corner of the latter, not far from the site of the houses of Godfrey and Jereaume, where the wounded were burned and massacred, was a large brick house, the residence of Matthew Gibson. Very near it, in an orchard, might be seen the remains of the cellars of those buildings. From that point, around which the battle was fought, and near which the Americans were driven across the Raisin just before the massacre on the south side of the stream, I made the above sketch (looking westward) of the river, the railway bridge, and the distant town. Gibson’s house is seen in the foreground, on the right; the railway bridge, on four piers in the water, with the town beyond it, is seen in the centre; and by the distant trees, seen immediately beyond the point on the left, is indicated the spot near which Winchester was captured. Returning to the village, I called upon Judge Durocher, who, in the course of a pleasant interview of an hour, gave me many items of information concerning the events we have been considering. He spoke of Winchester as a "fussy man," quite heavy in person, and illy fitted for the peculiar service in which he was engaged. He also assured me that after the defeat of the Americans at Frenchtown, Proctor endeavored to persuade the Indians to destroy the French settlements there, because he believed the inhabitants to be favorable to the United States. It was even proposed to the Indians in council, and another cold-blooded massacre, not by the permission, but at the instigation of Proctor, was only prevented by the firmness of the friendship which the Pottawatomies bore to the inhabitants on the Raisin. Judge Durocher was seventy-four years of age when I visited him. A little less than a year afterward he was borne to the grave. 54

Our next visit was to the head-quarters of Winchester, delineated on page 354, which was occupied by the rector of the Protestant Episcopal church in Monroe. It was too unlike the original to claim the service of the pencil, and we proceeded to the house of James Knaggs, one of the oldest inhabitants of that region, and a remarkable character, who, as an Indian fighter and volunteer soldier, performed good service during the war of 1812. He had just returned from some toil at a distance, and, octogenarian as he was, he seemed vigorous in mind and body. He was a stout-built man, about eighty years of age. His birth-place was at Roche de Bout, on the Maumee, a little above the present village of Waterville. His father was an Englishman, and his mother a Mohawk Valley Dutch woman. 55 From early life he was familiar with the Indians and the woods. He had been a witness of the treachery and cruelty of the savages, and his family had suffered severely at their hands. When speaking of the Indians and his personal contests with them, his vengeful feelings could hardly be repressed, and he talked with almost savage delight of the manner in which he had disposed of some of them. 56

Soon after Wayne’s campaign Knaggs settled at Frenchtown, and became a farmer. In 1811 he established a regular ferry at the Huron River, on the road to Detroit, with only Indians as companions and neighbors. These, excited against all Americans by British emissaries, were very troublesome, and Knaggs had frequent conflicts with them in some form. When Hull was on his way toward Detroit, Knaggs joined the army as a private in Captain Lee’s company of dragoons – "River Raisin men the best troops in the world," as Harrison said 57 – and became very expert and efficient in the spy, scout, or ranger service. He was engaged in the various conflicts near the Detroit River, already described, and in 1813 was in the battle of the Thames, under Colonel Richard M. Johnson. While with Hull at Sandwich, attached to Colonel M‘Arthur’s regiment, he performed important scout service. On one occasion, accompanied by four men; he penetrated the country as far as the site of the present village of Chatham, on the Thames, and there captured a Colonel M‘Gregor, a burly British officer, and a Jew named Jacobs, and carried them to Hull’s camp. He tied M‘Gregor to a horse, and thus took him to the head-quarters of his chief. After the surrender M‘Gregor offered five hundred dollars for the capture of Knaggs, dead or alive. The Indians were constantly on the watch for him, and he had many narrow escapes. This made him feel bitterly toward them.

At the battle of the Thames, Knaggs identified the body of Tecumtha, it is said, he having been long acquainted with the great Shawnoe. He was absent in Ohio on his parole when the battle of the Raisin occurred. He was the youngest of five brothers, all of whom were active in military service. His four brothers served as spies with Captain Wells, who was killed at Chicago. One of them was captured in the war of 1812, and carried a prisoner to Halifax. They were all men of strong convictions, and each, until the day of his death, hated both the British and their Indian allies, for they had all suffered at their hands.

Mr. Knaggs seemed in fine health and spirits when I visited him; but, a little more than three months afterward, he died suddenly. His death occurred on the 23d of December, 1860. 58

I returned to Detroit by the evening train, filled with reflections concerning the events of the day, and those which made the Raisin terribly conspicuous in the annals of the war. I remembered that some of the newspapers of the day censured Harrison for not promptly supporting Winchester; and that in the political campaign of 1840, when Harrison was elected President of the United States, his enemies cited his alleged shortcomings on this occasion as evidence that his military genius and services, on which his fame mostly rested, were myths. But contemporary history, and the well-settled convictions of his surviving companions in arms whom I met in the Northwest, as well as the gallant engineer, Colonel Wood, who afterward fell at Fort Erie, 59 fully acquit General Harrison of all blame or lack of soldierly qualities on that occasion. It was not until the night of the 16th that he was informed by a messenger that General Winchester had arrived at the Rapids, and meditated a forward movement. The latter intimation alarmed Harrison, and he made every exertion to push troops forward from Upper Sandusky, where he was then quartered, sixty miles from the Rapids by way of the Portage River, and seventy-six miles by Lower Sandusky. He immediately ordered his artillery to advance by way of the Portage, with an escort of three hundred men, under Major Orr, with provisions; and he pressed forward himself as speedily as possible, by the way of Lower Sandusky, where one regiment and a battalion were stationed, under the command of General Perkins. This battalion was ordered to march immediately, under Major Cotgrove, and Harrison determined to follow it the next morning. He was just rising from his bed when a messenger came with the tidings of the advance of Lewis upon Frenchtown. Perkins was immediately ordered to press forward to the Rapids the remaining troops under his command. After hastily breakfasting, he and Perkins proceeded in a sleigh. They were met on the way by an express with intelligence of Lewis’s victory at the Raisin. This nerved Harrison to greater exertions. He pushed forward alone and on horseback, through the swamps filled with snow, in daylight and in darkness, and, after almost superhuman efforts, he reached the Rapids early on the morning of the 20th. Winchester had departed for the Raisin the previous evening, and Harrison could do nothing better than wait for his oncoming troops, under Perkins and Cotgrove, and the artillery by the Portage. What remained at the Rapids of Winchester’s army, under Colonel Payne, were sent forward toward the Raisin, and Captain Hart, the inspector general, was sent to inform Winchester of the supporting movements in his rear.

Alas! the roads were so almost impassable that the troops moved very slowly. After the utmost exertions they were too late. News came to Harrison, at ten o’clock on the morning of the 22d, of the attack of the British and Indians on the Americans at Frenchtown. The fraction of Perkins’s brigade which had arrived at the Rapids was sent forward, and Harrison himself hastened toward the Raisin. He met the affrighted fugitives, who told doleful stories of the scenes of the morning, and assured the commander that the British and Indians were in pursuit of the broken army of Winchester toward the Rapids. This intelligence spurred on the re-enforcements. Other fugitives were soon met, who declared that the defeat of Winchester was total and irretrievable, and that no aid in Harrison’s power could win back the victory of the enemy. A council of officers was held at Harrison’s head-quarters in the saddle, when it was decided that a farther advance would be useless and imprudent. A few active men were sent forward to assist the fugitives in escaping, while the main body returned to the Rapids. There another council was held, which resulted in an order for the troops, numbering not more than nine hundred men, to fall back to the Portage (about eighteen miles), establish there a fortified camp, wait for the arrival of the artillery and accompanying troops, and then to push forward to the Rapids again.

The latter movement was delayed on account of heavy rains. On the 30th of January Colonel Leftwitch arrived with his brigade, a regiment of Pennsylvania troops, and a greater part of the artillery, and on the 1st of February General Harrison moved toward the Rapids with seventeen hundred men. He took post on the right bank of the river, upon high and commanding ground, at the foot of the Rapids, and there established a fortified camp, to which was afterward given, in honor of the governor of Ohio, the name of Fort Meigs. All the troops that could be spared from other posts were ordered there, with the design of pressing on toward Malden before the middle of February; but circumstances caused delay, and the Army of the Northwest tarried for some time on the bank of the Maumee before opening the campaign of 1813 in that region.

------------------------------

ENDNOTES.

1 Simon Perkins was born at Norwich, Connecticut, on the 17th of September, 1771. His father was a captain in the army of the Revolution, and died in camp. He emigrated to Oswego, New-York, in 1795, where he spent three years in extensive land operations. A portion of the "Western Reserve," in Ohio, having been sold by the State of Connecticut, the new proprietors invited Mr. Perkins to explore the domain, and report a plan for the sale and settlement of the lands. He went to Ohio for that purpose in the spring of 1798. He spent the summer there in the performance of the duties of his agency, and returned to Connecticut in the autumn. This excursion and these duties were repeated by him for several successive summers. He finally married in 1804, and settled on the "Reserve" at Warren. So extensive were the land agencies intrusted to him, that in 1815 the state land-tax paid by him into the public treasury was one seventh of the entire revenue of the state. Mr. Perkins was the first post-master on the "Reserve," and to him the post-master general intrusted the arrangement of post-offices in that region. For twenty-eight years he received and merited the confidence of the department and the people. At the request of the government, in 1807 he established expresses through the Indian country to Detroit. His efforts led to the treaty of Brownsville in the autumn of 1808, when the Indiana ceded lands for a road from the "Reserve" to the Maumee, or Miami of the Lakes. In May of that year he was commissioned a brigadier general of militia, in the division commanded by Major General Wadsworth. On hearing of the disaster to Hull’s army at Detroit, he issued orders to his colonels to prepare their regiments for active duty. To him was assigned the duty of protecting a large portion of the Northwestern frontier. "To the care of Brigadier General Simon Perkins I commit you," said Wadsworth on parting with the troops of the Reserve, "who will be your commander and your friend. In his integrity, skill, and courage, we all have the utmost confidence." He was exceedingly active. His scouts were out, far and near, continually. His public accounts were kept with the greatest clearness and accuracy for more than forty years. "No two officers in the public service at that time," testifies the Honorable Elisha Whittlesey, "were more energetic or economical than Generals Harrison and Perkins." When, in 1813, General Harrison was sufficiently re-enforced to dispense with Perkins’s command, he left the service [February 28, 1813], bearing the highest encomiums of the commander-in-chief of the Army of the Northwest. President Madison, at the suggestion of Harrison and others, sent him the commission of colonel in the regular army, but duty to his family and the demands of a greatly increasing business caused him to decline it.

General Perkins was intrusted with the arrangement and execution, at the head of a commission, of the extensive canal system of Ohio. From 1826 until 1838 he was an active member of the "Board of Canal Fund Commissioners." They were under no bonds and received no pecuniary reward. In the course of about seven years they issued and sold state bonds for the public improvements to the amount of four and a half millions of dollars. Among the remarkable men who settled the "Western Reserve," General Simon Perkins ever held one of the most conspicuous places, and his influence in social and moral life is felt in that region to this day. He died at Warren, Ohio, on the 19th of November, 1844. His widow long survived him. She died at the same place in April, 1862. To their son, Joseph Perkins, Esq., of Cleveland, I am indebted for the materials for this brief sketch, and the likeness of the patriot on the next page.

2 M‘Afee, pages 103, 104.

3 The charter of Connecticut, granted in 1662, covered the country from Rhode Island, or, as expressed, "Narraganset River," on the east, to the Pacific on the west. When New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania claimed dominion above the line of the southern boundary of the province, difficulties appeared. These were disposed of. In 1788 the State of Connecticut ceded to the United States all the lands within the charter limits westward of Pennsylvania, excepting a tract one hundred and twenty miles in length westward, adjoining that state. The cession was accepted. This was called the Connecticut or Western Reserve; and many settlers went there from the State of Connecticut. A part of the Reserve, containing half a million of acres, was granted by the state to the inhabitants of New London, Fairfield, and Norwalk, whose property had been burnt by the British during the Revolution. This was known as The Fire Lands. The remainder of the Reserve was sold in 1795, and the proceeds of the sale were devoted to the formation of the present school fund of Connecticut.

4 Elijah Wadsworth was born in Hartford, Connecticut, on the 4th of November, 1747, and became a resident of Litchfield before the Revolution. After the battle of Bunker’s Hill he volunteered to go to Boston, but his purpose was frustrated, when he engaged heartily in raising Colonel Elisha Sheldon’s troop of light-horsemen. He was commissioned a lieutenant of the company of which Benjamin Tallmadge was captain. He served with zeal during the entire war. He commanded the guard in whose custody Major André was placed immediately after his arrest.

Wadsworth was a man of great energy. He went early to Ohio, and was part owner of the "Western Reserve." He made his residence at Canfield, Ohio, in 1802, and was always a leading man in that section of the new state, and was very efficient in the organization of the crude material of pioneer life into well-balanced society, the establishment of schools, etc. His aid was essential in the establishment of the state government, and when the militia was enrolled he was chosen major general of the 4th Division. In that office he was found when war broke out in 1812. His services in the war are recorded in the text. On his tomb-stone at Canfield are the following words: "Major General Elijah Wadsworth moved into Canfield in October A. D. 1802, and died December 30, 1817, aged 70 years, 1 month, and 17 days."

5 Elisha Whittlesey was born in Litchfield County, Connecticut, on the 19th of October, 1783. His father, a practical farmer, was a member of the Connecticut Legislature seventeen consecutive sessions, and was a member of the State Convention that ratified the Constitution of the United States. The subject of this brief memoir was a pupil of Rev. Thomas Robbins, of Danbury, Connecticut, who died only a few years ago, and also of the eminent Moses Stuart, of Andover. He studied law, and was admitted to practice at Fairfield in the winter of 1805. He commenced practice at New Milford, but in June, 1806, he emigrated to Ohio, and settled at Canfield, Turnbull County, which place was his home when in private life. In the autumn of that year he was admitted to practice in the Supreme Court of Ohio, and at the first session of the Court of Common Pleas thereafter he was appointed prosecuting attorney, which office he held sixteen years. When the war broke out he was appointed aid to General Wadsworth. On the retirement of General Wadsworth from the service, Mr. Whittlesey was appointed brigade major in General Simon Perkins’s corps, and was with that officer during the remainder of his campaign in Northern Ohio in 1812-’13. He was sent by General Harrison from the Rapids of the Maumee, after the defeat of General Winchester at the Raisin, to ask the Legislature of Ohio to pass a law providing for the payment of such Ohio troops as should remain in service after their time of enlistment should expire. He was successful.

Mr. Whittlesey resumed his profession after the war. He served as a member of the Ohio Legislature from 1820 to 1822 inclusive, when he was elected to Congress, in which he served fourteen consecutive years. During all that time he was a member of the Committee on Claims, full one half of that time its chairman, and was never absent, excepting on public business, but for one day, for which, in the settlement of his accounts, he deducted the sum of eight dollars – a day’s salary! President Harrison appointed him auditor of the treasury of the Post-office Department in March, 1841. He resigned it in 1843. President Taylor appointed him comptroller of the treasury in June, 1849. He offered his resignation to President Pierce, but that gentleman, knowing the value of an honest man in that responsible station, would not accept it. In March, 1857, he tendered his resignation to President Buchanan. He accepted it in May, saying, "The Lord knows I do not wish you to resign at all." On the 10th of April, 1861, President Lincoln called him from his home to occupy the same responsible position. He cheerfully responded to the call of his country, although seventy-eight years of age, and faithfully discharged the duties of his office until a few days before his death, which occurred on Wednesday, the 7th day of January, 1863, when in the eightieth year of his age.

6 Canfield, the capital of Mahoning County, Ohio, was then the residence of General Wadsworth, and also of Mr. Whittlesey.

7 It came in the form of a letter written by Alfred Kelley, and signed by twelve other citizens of Cleveland. B. Fitch, of Ellsworth, was the bearer of it.

8 The capital of the present Summit County, Ohio. It was the first settlement made in the county. In the division of the Western Reserve among the purchasers from Connecticut, this section fell to the lot of David Hudson, who commenced a settlement in the year 1800. Mr. Hudson died in March, 1836, aged seventy-five years.

9 Huntington was governor of Ohio from 1808 to 1810. In the latter part of his life he resided at Painesville, in Lake County, where he died in 1817. He lived in Cleveland for a while before making his residence at Painesville. As an illustration of the wonderful growth of American cities, and the rapid settlement and clearing of the country westward of the Alleghany Mountains, I mention the fact that Governor Huntington, when approaching Cleveland from the east one night, and only two miles from it, was attacked by a pack of wolves. He beat them off with his umbrella, and made his escape to the town through the fleetness of his horse. That was only about fifty years ago. Cleveland now [1867] contains more than 50,000 inhabitants.

10 MS. Letter of General Wadsworth to the Secretary of War, dated Cleveland, August 25, 1812.

11 The commissioners appointed were Aaron Norton, Eleazer Hicock, and Ebenezer Murray. The people sold to them, on the terms offered, as cheaply as if paid in gold and silver. They gave a certificate in writing stating the article furnished, its quantity and value, with a promise to pay for it when the government should remit funds for the purpose. Property abandoned by frightened inhabitants was taken, appraised, and inventoried. A fatigue party would harvest a field of grain, while an officer kept an exact account of the whole matter, and the owners were afterward remunerated. In the final settlement hardly a single case of dissatisfaction occurred. – Statement of Hon. Elisha Whittlesey to the author.

12 Reazin Beall, of Pennsylvania, was an ensign in the United States Infantry in 1792, and was in the third sub-legion the same year. He was adjutant and quartermaster the following year. He served under Wayne for a while, and resigned at the beginning of 1794. From the 8th of September till the 3d of November, 1812, he was a brigadier general of Ohio volunteers. He represented Ohio in Congress from 1813 till 1815. He died on the 20th of February, 1842. – Gardner’s Dictionary of the Army, page 59.

13 M‘Afee, page 170. See also Brackenridge, page 61.

14 Just before the approach of Tupper the following note (of course, written by one of the British allies) from the Indians was sent to the inhabitants on the Raisin:

------------------------------------------------------------------------

"The Hurons and other tribes of Indians, assembled at the Miami Rapids, to the inhabitants of the River Raisin.

"FRIENDS, – Listen: you have always told us that you would give us any assistance in your power. We therefore, as the enemy is approaching us, within twenty-five miles, call upon you all to rise up and come here immediately, bringing your arms along with you. Should you fail at this time, we will not consider you in future as friends, and the consequences may be very unpleasant. We are well convinced that you have no writing forbidding you to assist us.

"We are your friends at present.

his

"ROUND + HEAD,

mark.

his

"WALK-IN- + THE-WATER

mark.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

15 See page 305.

16 This is a small village in Allen County, Ohio, on the Au Glaize River, about ten miles from St. Mary. After the Shawnoese were driven from Piqua by General Clark in 1780, they established a village here, and named it Wa-pagh-ko-netta, in honor of a chief of that name. Colonel John Johnston informed me that he knew the chief well. He said he had a club-foot, and thinks the name had some relation to that deformity. Colonel Johnston resided at Wa-pagh-ko-netta for some time. The Society of Friends, or Quakers, had a mission there for a number of years. It was the home of Blue Jacket, spoken of in our account of the invasion of the country by Wayne, in 1794. Buckongahelos also resided there; also the celebrated Black Hoof, who was a native of Florida, whose birthplace was on the Suwanee. He remembered the removal of that tribe from their southern home to the forests of Pennsylvania and Ohio. He was at the defeat of Braddock in 1755. In all the wars with the white people in his region, from that time until the treaty of Greenville in 1795, he was a popular leader, and could always command as many men for the war-path as he desired. He was a party to the treaty at Greenville, and was ever faithful to his pledges there made. Tecumtha could not seduce him, and he was the faithful friend of the Americans in the war with Great Britain which we are now considering. A few weeks after the burial of Logan [January, 1813], he visited General Tupper’s camp at Fort M‘Arthur. While sitting by the fire with the general, a scoundrel militia-man, Colonel Johnston informed me, fired a pistol ball at him through the logs of the block-house, which entered his cheek, passed through his mouth, cut off his palate, and lodged in his neck. He would never have the ball removed, but would call the children to feel of it, and then would tell them of his wrongs. Colonel Johnston gave him a healing plaster for his wound in the form of a bank-note of the denomination of one hundred dollars. Colonel Johnston says be was one of the most perfectly formed men he ever saw. He was naturally cheerful and good-natured. He lived with his wife faithfully for forty years. His stature was small, and his eyesight remained perfect during his whole life.

Black Hoof was often asked to sing the songs of the worship of his people, but nothing could induce him to do so. He would not even repeat the words to the white man. His was like the refusal of the Hebrew captive to sing the songs of Zion on the banks of the rivers of Babylon. Black Hoof was the principal chief of the Shawnoese for many years before his death, which occurred at Wa-pagh-ko-netta about the year 1830, at the age, it was believed, of one hundred and ten years.

17 John B. Campbell was a native of Virginia, and nephew of Colonel Campbell, who was distinguished at the battle of King’s Mountain in 1780. He was commissioned lieutenant colonel of the Nineteenth Regiment of Infantry in March, 1812. For his good conduct in the expedition mentioned above he was breveted a colonel. In April, 1814, he was commissioned a colonel in the Eleventh Infantry, and was distinguished and severely wounded in the battle of Chippewa on the 5th of July following. He died of his wounds on the 28th of August, 1814.

18 Joseph Markle, afterward a distinguished citizen of Pennsylvania. He died in 1867.

19 Lieutenant Colonel Campbell’s official report to General Harrison, dated at Greenville, December 25th, 1812; M‘Afee, page 178; Dillon’s History of Indiana, page 510; Thompson’s Sketches of the War, page 62. Lieutenant Colonel Campbell sent a brief dispatch to Harrison on the morning after the battle, misdated December 12th instead of December 18th, and addressed from "Two miles above Silver Heels."

20 "I have on this occasion," wrote Campbell to Harrison, "to lament the loss of several brave men and many wounded. Among the former are Captain Pierce, of the Ohio Volunteers, and Lieutenant Waltz, of Markle’s troops. Pierce was from Zanesville; Lieutenant Waltz was of the Pennsylvania corps. He was first shot through the arm, and then through the head. Captain Trotter was wounded in the head." Lieutenant Colonel Campbell highly commended these officers, also Lieutenant Colonel Simrall, Major M‘Donnell, Captains Hite and Smith, and Captains Markle, M‘Clelland, Garrard, and Hopkins. Lieutenants Hedges, Basye, and Hickman were among the wounded.

21 "It is with the sincerest pleasure," said General Harrison, in a general order, "that the general has heard that the most punctual obedience was paid to his orders in not only saving all the women and children, but in sparing all the warriors who ceased to resist, and that, even when vigorously attacked by the enemy, the claims of mercy prevailed over every sense of their own danger, and this heroic band respected the lives of their prisoners. Let an account of murdered innocence be opened in the records of Heaven against our enemies alone. The American soldier will follow the example of his government, and the sword of the one will not be raised against the fallen and the helpless, nor the gold of the other be paid for the scalps of a massacred enemy."

22 The Delawares had emigrated from Pennsylvania about fifty years before, where they had had an acquaintance with the white people for as long a period under the most favorable circumstances. They had experienced the justice and kindness of William Penn and his immediate successors. They were settled on the Au Glaize, about half way between Piqua and Wa-pagh-ko-netta. Some of them went farther east, and settled on the banks of the Scioto, within the limits of the present Delaware country, whose name is derived from these Indians. Buckongahelos, already mentioned, and an eminent chief named Kill-buck, were of this tribe.

23 See page 251.

24 William Eustis was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, on the 10th of June, 1753. He was graduated at Harvard College at the age of nineteen, and chose the practice of medicine for his profession. He entered the Continental Army of the Revolution as a regimental surgeon, and served in that capacity during the war. He was at the Robinson House, opposite West Point, while Arnold occupied it as his head-quarters. He commenced the practice of his profession at Boston at the close of the war. He was an ardent politician, and was a representative of Massachusetts in the National Congress, of the Republican party, from 1801 till 1805. President Madison appointed him Secretary of War in 1809, and he retained the office until the autumn of 1812, when he resigned. He was appointed minister to Holland in 1814. After his return he was chosen to a seat in Congress again, which he held for nearly two terms from 1820. In 1823 he was chosen governor of Massachusetts. He was then seventy years of age. He died in 1825, while holding that office, in the seventy-second year of his age.

25 Harrison’s Letter to the Secretary of War, January 4, 1813.

26 Combs’s sufferings were very severe. He carried a heavy musket and accoutrements, a blanket, and four days’ provisions. The snow commenced falling on the morning after his departure, and continued without intermission for two days and nights. On the third day of their march Combs and his companion found the snow over two feet deep in the dense forest. Ruddle had been a captive among the Indians in this region and knew the way, and the method of encountering such hardships as they were now called upon to confront. The storm detained them, their provisions became scarce, and for several nights they could find no place to lie down, and sat up and slept. Hunger came to both on the sixth day of their journey, and illness to young Combs. Nothing but his ever unflinching {original text has "unfliching".} resolution kept him up. On the ninth evening they reached Fort M‘Arthur, and were well cared for by General Tupper. Combs lay prostrated with sickness for several days.

27 See page 257, and map of the Maumee in this vicinity, page 55.

28 Upper Sandusky, the present capital of Wyandot County, Ohio, is not the place above alluded to. The "Upper Sandusky" made famous during the Indian wars, and as the rendezvous of Americans in the war of 1812, was at Crane Town (so called from an eminent chief named Tarhe or Crane), four miles northeast from the court-house in the present village of Upper Sandusky. After the death of Tarhe in 1818, the Indians transferred their council-house to the site of the modern Upper Sandusky, gave it its present name, and called the old place Crane Town.

Old Upper Sandusky was a place of much note in the early history of the country. It was a favorite residence of the Wyandot Indians, and near it Colonel Crawford had a battle with them and was defeated in June, 1782. Crawford was murdered by fire and other slow tortures which the savages inflicted on leading prisoners. A full account of events in this vicinity may he found in Howe’s Historical Collections of Ohio.

General Harrison built Fort Ferree, a stockade about fifty rods northeast of the court-house in the present Upper Sandusky.

29 The Raisin, on which Frenchtown was situated, was called Sturgeon River by the Indians, because of the abundance of that fish in its waters. It flowed through a fertile and attractive region, and late in the last century a number of French families settled upon its banks, and engaged in farming, and trading with the Indians. Because of the abundance of grapes on the borders of the stream they called it Riviere aux Raisins, and on account of the nationality of the settlers the village was called Frenchtown. It is now Monroe, Michigan.

30 Statement to the author by the Hon. Laurent Durocher, of Monroe (Frenchtown), who was an actor in the scenes there during the war of 1812.

31 See note 3, page 279.

32 A howitz or howitzer is a kind of mortar or short gun, mounted on a carriage, and used for throwing bomb-shells.

33 Captain Bland W. Ballard was a son of Captain Ballard, of Winchester’s army. He was acting major at the time when he was wounded.

34 Hickman led a party of spies under Wayne from December, 1794, until June, 1795.

35 Matson was afterward with Colonel R. M. Johnson in the battle of the Thames.

36 Colonel Lewis’s full report to General Winchester was written two days afterward, dated "Camp at Frenchtown, January 20, 1813, on the River Raisin." The facts in our narrative of the battle were drawn chiefly from this report.

37 It is asserted that Colonel Lewis recommended the encamping of the re-enforcements within the picketed gardens, there being plenty of room on his left. Wells being of the regular army, precedence gave him the right of Lewis, and military rule would not allow him to take position on his left. This observance of etiquette proved to be exceedingly mischievous.

38 The view of Colonel Navarre’s house, the head-quarters of Winchester, given on page 354, represents it as it appeared in 1813, with a "puncheon" fence in front. General Winchester occupied the room on the left of the entrance-door. The room was a long one, fronting east (we are looking at the house in a southeast direction), and had a large fireplace. In this room the Indians who came to trade with Navarre rested and slept. The trees seen on the west side of the house are still there – venerable pear-trees (originally brought from Normandy), which were planted there by the early settlers. Those which remain still bear fruit. In 1830 the old Navarre House was altered by the son of the owner in 1813. He made additions to it, and raised the roof so as to make it two stories in height. Like the original, the structure of 1830 was a log edifice. When I visited the spot in the autumn of 1860, It had undergone another change. The log-house of 1830 had been clap-boarded, and it was then the residence of the rector of the Episcopal church in Monroe. It stood back a little from Front Street, within the square bordered by Front, Murray, Humphrey, and Wadsworth Streets. I am indebted to the kind courtesy of Mrs. Sarah A. Noble, of Monroe (Frenchtown), Michigan, for the foregoing facts, and for the above sketch of Winchester’s quarters as it appeared in 1813.

39 Major Elijah M‘Clanahan to General Harrison, dated "Camp on Carrying River, January 26, 1813." Carrying River was eighteen miles from Winchester’s camp, on the Maumee, on the way toward the Raisin.

40 Oral statement of Peter Navarre to the author.

41 "Never, dear mother, if I should live a thousand years, can I forget the frightful sight of this morning, when handsomely-painted Indians came into the fort, some of them carrying half a dozen scalps of my countrymen fastened upon sticks, and yet covered with blood, and were congratulated by Colonel Proctor for their bravery! I heard a British officer, who, I was told, was Lieutenant Colonel St. George, tell another officer, who, I believe, was Colonel Vincent, that Proctor was a disgrace to the British army – that such encouragements to devils was a blot upon the British character." – Letter of A. O. Tustin, of Bardstown, Kentucky, to his mother, dated Fort Malden, January 23, 1813.

42 No rule of civilized warfare was observed. Blood and scalps were the chief objects for which the Indians fought. They seemed disposed not to take any prisoners. A party of fifteen or twenty, under Lieutenant Garrett, after retreating about a mile, were compelled to surrender, when all but the young commander were killed and scalped. Another party, of forty men, were more than one half murdered under similar circumstances. Colonel Allen, who had been wounded in the thigh in the attempt to rally the troops, after abandoning all hope, and escaping about two miles in the direction of the Maumee, was compelled, by sheer exhaustion, to sit down upon a log. He was observed by an Indian chief, who, perceiving his rank, promised him his protection if be would surrender without resistance. He did so. At the same moment two other savages approached with murderous intent, when, with a single blow of his sword, Allen laid one of them dead upon the ground. His companion instantly shot the colonel dead. "He had the honor," says M‘Afee, "of shooting one of the first and greatest citizens of Kentucky."

John Allen was born in Rockbridge County, Virginia, on the 30th of December, 1772. His father emigrated with him to Kentucky in 1780, and settled about a mile and a half below the present town of Danville, in Boyle County. In 1784 the family removed to another part, five miles from Bardstown, and in a school in that then rude village young Allen received his education. He studied law in Staunton, Virginia, for four years, and commenced its practice in Shelbyville, Kentucky, in 1795. He was following his profession successfully there when the war broke out in 1812, when he raised a regiment of riflemen for service under Harrison. He was killed, as we have seen, at the massacre on the River Raisin, on the 22d of January, 1813, at the age of forty-one years. Allen County, Kentucky, was so named in his honor.

43 See page 291. It was with great difficulty that Proctor persuaded Round-head to release his prisoner, or to give up the military suit he had stripped from him.

44 Tecumtha, as we shall observe hereafter, regarded Proctor as a coward, and by threats compelled him to make a stand on the Thames; and the venerable Robert Reynolds, of Amherstburg, and other survivors of the British army in Canada with whom I have conversed, spoke of him with contempt as a boasting coward.

45 This is from a sketch sent to Colonel William H. Winder by Lieutenant Colonel Boerstler, in a letter dated "Buffalo, 17th February, 1813. I send you," he says, "a hasty sketch of the situation of the troops at Frenchtown." He obtained it from some subordinate officer among the prisoners from the Raisin, who were paroled, and passed through Buffalo. He says, "The prisoners have passed through to the number of four hundred and sixty-two. The general and field officers are not yet sent across." – Autograph Letter.

46 Elliott had been in Lexington, where he was very ill of fever for a long time in the family of Colonel Thomas Hart, the father of Captain Hart. During that illness he had received many attentions from the young man whom he now basely deserted in his hour of greatest need.

47 I am indebted to Mrs. Sarah A. Noble for this sketch of La Salle’s house, as it appeared at the time. It stood in front of the ford, was built of logs, and between it and the river was a "puncheon" fence. The "Laselle Farm" was known some time as the "Humphrey Farm." It is now [1867] the property of the Honorable D. A. Noble.

48 Nathaniel G. T. Hart was a son of Colonel Thomas Hart, who emigrated to Kentucky from Maryland, and settled in Lexington. Captain Hart was born at Hagerstown, in Maryland. One of his sisters married Henry Clay, another married James Brown, long the United States minister at the French Court. Hart was making a fortune in mercantile pursuits when the war of 1812 broke out, when (at the age of about twenty-seven years) he was in command of the Lexington Light Infantry, a company which was organized by General James Wilkinson, who was its first captain, in 1787. Under its fourth captain (Beatty) it was with Wayne in the campaign of 1794. Hart was its seventh captain, and was at the head of it in the expedition to the Raisin. When I visited Lexington in April, 1861, I called on the then commander of the company, Captain Samuel D. M‘Cullough, who showed me the crimson silk sash of Captain Hart in his possession, which was torn and had blood-stains upon it. Cassius M. Clay, now [1867] American minister to the Court of St. Petersburg, commanded this company in the United States army in Mexico. In the battle of Buena Vista its flag was the regimental color of the Kentucky cavalry. On the 18th of January, 1861, a flag was presented to this company (now called the "Lexington Old Infantry") at the Odd Fellows Hall In Lexington, by General Leslie Combs, in behalf of the donor, David A. Sayre. On that occasion the United States band from the barracks at Newport, Kentucky, performed the musical part of the ceremonies. The Star-spangled Banner was sung, and the roll of all the captains, from 1789 to 1861, was called. The only survivors of the company when Hart was captain, who were present, were, Thomas Smith, of Louisville; Lawrence Daly, of Fayette County; and Judge Levi L. Todd, of Indianapolis. The latter, who was Hart’s successor as captain, gave the opening address.

49 A few days after the massacre at the Raisin Proctor ordered all the inhabitants there to leave their houses and move to Detroit. It was mid-winter and severely cold. The snow was very deep, and they suffered dreadfully. Some conveyances were sent down from Detroit for them. For a while Frenchtown was a desolation, and the remains of the massacred were unburied.

50 William Lewis was in Gaither’s battalion at St. Clare’s defeat in 1791. He was then captain, and was appointed to the same position in the 3d Regiment of Infantry the following year. He resigned in 1797. In August, 1812, he was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel of Kentucky Volunteers, and, as we have seen, behaved gallantly at Frenchtown. He was a native of Virginia. His death occurred near Little Rock, Arkansas, on the 11th of January, 1825.

51 George Madison was a native of Virginia, where he was born in 1763. He was a soldier in the Revolution, although he was only a lad of twelve years when it broke out. He was with General Clarke in the Northwest, and was at the head of a company in St. Clair’s defeat in 1791, where he was wounded. He was also wounded in an attack by the Indians in the camp of Major John Adair the following year. For more than twenty years he was auditor of public accounts in Kentucky. When Kentucky was asked for troops in 1812 he took the field. He was kept a prisoner at Quebec for some time. In 1816 he was nominated for the office of governor of Kentucky. He was so beloved and popular that his opponent withdrew in the heat of the canvass, declaring that nobody could resist that popularity. He was elected, but died on the 14th of October the same year.

52 "The zeal and courage of the Indian Department," he said, "were never more conspicuous than on this occasion, and the Indian warriors fought with their usual bravery."

53 It seems hardly possible that the Canadian Assembly or Sir George Prevost could have known the facts of the horrors of Frenchtown, and Proctor’s inhuman abandonment of the prisoners, or they would have punished rather than rewarded the commander on that occasion. Sir George, in his general order announcing the promotion of Proctor, actually said, "On this occasion the gallantry of Colonel Proctor was most nobly displayed in his humane and unwearied exertions, which succeeded in rescuing the vanquished from the revenge of the Indian warriors!"

British writers, unable to offer the shadow of an excuse for Proctor’s conduct, either avoid all mention of the massacre, or endeavor to shield him from the scourge of just criticism by affecting to disbelieve the fact that he agreed to give protection to the wounded, or accepted the surrender on any conditions whatever. "Indeed," says James, with an air of triumph in discussion, "General Winchester was not in a condition to dictate terms," because he was "stripped to his shirt and trowsers, and suffering exceedingly from the cold." – Account of the Military Occurrences of the Late War, etc., i., 188. But the testimony of eye and ear witnesses to the fact are too abundant for any honest-minded man to doubt. Before all his men, in the presence of Colonel Proctor, not twenty rods from the house of François Lasalle, Major Madison declared the conditions that had been agreed upon. The late Judge Durocher, who was present, informed me that he heard these conditions announced, and that Proctor assented to them by his silence. This is in confirmation of Winchester’s statement in his report, written at Malden on the 23d of January, the day after the surrender.

It gives the writer no pleasure to record the cruelties of savages and the unchristian conduct of British commanders who employed them. He would prefer to bury the knowledge of these things in oblivion, and let the animosities which they engender die with the generation of men who were actors in the scenes; but when a Pharisee, affecting to be the "guardian of civilization," preaches censorious homilies to an equal in virtue and dignity, it is sometimes a wholesome service to prick the bubble of his pride with the bodkin of just exposure. When the British government, in its pride or blindness, lectures that of the United States on lust for power, barbarity in warfare, and kindred subjects, as it did during the late civil war in the United States, an occasional lifting of the veil from the records of the censor’s own shortcomings may be productive of a wholesome humility and a practical desire for reform. Posterity will point the finger of scorn toward the conduct of the government of that empire, and the journalists and publicists in its interest, during the trials of the government and loyal people of the United States in their late struggles against foul conspiracy and frightful rebellion, as unworthy of an enlightened and Christian nation. That conduct – the manifestation of the intense selfishness of the aristocracy of rank and wealth which have ever ruled England – will always appear darkly in the history of nations as a crime against humanity, and a libel upon the character of the overwhelming majority of the English people. The employment of bloody savages to butcher their relatives in America; the demoniac treatment of captive Sepoys in India; the encouragement of frightful atrocities in China, and the open sympathy with conspirators against a beneficent government for the avowed purpose of establishing a despotism whose corner-stone should be HUMAN SLAVERY, should forever close the lips of the English government when it attempts to lecture others on humanity, or claims to be, par excellence, the "guardian of civilization."

54 Laurent Durocher was the son of a French Canadian, and was born at St. Genevieve Mission, in Missouri, in 1786. His father died when he was young, and his uncle sent him to a college in Montreal to be educated. At the close of his studies, in 1888, he settled at Frenchtown. At the beginning of the war of 1812, he, with other young Frenchmen of that region, joined the army of General Hull for a year. They were at the Raisin when Hull surrendered, and gave themselves up to Captain Elliott. During the remainder of the war he was charged by the American commander with several important trusts. When, in 1818, Monroe County was organized, Durocher was chosen its clerk. He held that office for about twenty years. He was for six years a member of the Territorial Council of Michigan, and in 1835 was a member of the Convention that framed the state Constitution. He was a member of the state Legislature, a justice of the peace, judge of probate, and circuit judge, and at the time of his death, on the 21st of September, 1861, was clerk of the city of Monroe. The funeral services at the time of his burial were held in St. Anne’s Catholic church of Monroe, where Father Joos officiated.

55 Knaggs’s mother lived at or near Frenchtown at the time of the battle there, and was one of those whom Proctor ordered to Detroit. She was then eighty years of age. Thinly clad (having been robbed by the Indians), she proceeded in an open traineau, and reached Detroit in safety. When asked how it happened that she did not perish, she replied, "My spunk kept me warm."

56 On one occasion, as he informed me, while he kept the ferry on the Huron, he flogged a troublesome Indian very severely. That night a brother of the savage came to Knaggs’s cabin at a late hour to avenge the insult. Hearing a summons, but not knowing the visitor, Knaggs went out, when the gleam of a knife-blade in the starlight warned him of danger. He ran to a spot where he had a large club, pursued by a savage, who, in striking at him with his knife, cut off the skirt of the only garment that Knaggs had on. The latter seized the club, turned upon his assailant, felled him to the ground, and beat him until every bone in his body was broken. Although nearly fifty years had elapsed since the occurrence, Mr. Knaggs became much excited while relating it.

57 I am indebted to Mr. Lyon, of Detroit, for the following copy of the first muster-roll of the "Raisin men," under Cornet Isaac Lee:

Cornet, Isaac Lee. Sergeant, James Bentley. Corporal, John Ruland. Privates, James Knaggs, Louis Drouillard, Orrin Rhodes, Michael M‘Dermot, Scott Rolle, Samuel Dibble, Robert Glass, Cyrus Hunter, James Rolle, Silas Lewis, Samuel Youngs, John Murphy, Thomas Noble, Francis Moffatt, Daniel Hull, John Reddull, John Creamer.

From October, 1813, to April, 1814, Captain Lee commanded a large company of dragoons. His lieutenants were George Johnson and John Ruland. The late Judge Laurent Durocher was cornet. Johnson was a very brave officer, and in the battle of Maguaga he actually commanded Smyth’s dragoons.

58 I am indented to Mr. William H. Bowlsby, a photographer in Monroe, for the likeness of Mr. Knaggs. It was taken from life by that gentleman. The signature was written in my note-book by Mr. Knaggs when I visited him.

59 Lieutenant Colonel Wood, then Harrison’s chief engineer, with the rank of captain, afterward said, "What human means within the control of General Harrison could prevent the anticipated disaster, and save that corps which was already looked upon as lost, as doomed to inevitable destruction? Certainly none, because neither orders to halt nor troops to succor him [Winchester] could be received in time, or at least that was the expectation. He was already in motion, and General Harrison still at Upper Sandusky, seventy miles in his rear. The weather was inclement, the snow was deep, and a large portion of the Black Swamp was yet open. What would a Turenne or a Eugène have done, under such a pressure of embarrassing circumstances, more than Harrison did?"

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