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The Civil War was a trying time for both the government and citizens of
the United States. The conflict
touched a majority of Americans living between 1861-1865 in one way or another. In the early stages of the war, President Lincoln called for
75,000 men to join the United States Army and suppress the rebelling Southern
states. The president’s call for
manpower was immediately heard, and men from all over the Northeast and Midwest
joined in staggering numbers. The
Union met the president’s aims and prepared for a quick and easy victory.
However, the northerners did not take into account the determination of
the rebellious Confederates.
Indiana met the quota from President Lincoln in providing troops for the
war. Volunteer infantry regiments
formed throughout the state in 1861. By
the war’s end, 173 regiments totaling more than two hundred thousand men would
serve over the course of four years. Indiana’s
governor, Oliver P. Morton, led the call to arms in the state.
Governor Morton asked Southwestern Indiana to produce a regiment--a call
taken with patriotic fervor. The
new 42nd Indiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment was comprised of men
from six counties. From the
regiment’s entry into service on 9 October 1861, 1,475 men would fill the
ranks of ten companies. Spillard F.
Horrall, an officer in the 42nd, gave a detailed primary account of
the regiment in his book published in 1892.
James Maynard Shanklin served as a leading recruiter and inaugural
officer in the 42nd from Evansville.
Over a span of fifteen months, he wrote a plethora of colorful letters to
his new bride, Eliza McCutcheon. Kenneth
McCutchan edited and published these letters in 1988 to provide a detailed
account of a soldier in President Lincoln’s army.
Overall, Shanklin lived the same everyday life in camp in comparison to
Union regulars, with only a few differing experiences.
The information provided by Shanklin in his letters does not overtly
contradict the experiences of other soldiers provided in secondary literature.
Nine aspects of
Shanklin’s experiences during the war can easily compare to existing secondary
literature, excluding his personal life before the war and during the three
battles he fought in. Of these nine
aspects, historians study two primary topics within the Civil War: politics and
religion. The seven secondary
topics consist of events smaller to the overall spectrum of the Civil War:
recruiting skills; letters; arrest; time in prison; changes in attitude; food;
An abundance of secondary literature about soldiers’ lives during the
Civil War exists. Joel H. Silbey is a leading historian in the field of
politics during the Civil War. Shanklin
was a “War Democrat” and his actions with those Democrats compare to the
information in A Respectable Minority by
Silbey, and Thomas E. Rodgers’, Ph.D. dissertation entitled Northern Political Ideologies in the Civil War Era.
Steven E. Woodworth and James McPherson have written on the topic of
religion in the Civil War and Shanklin’s religious attitude mirrored, in many
areas, to that of the common soldier. Shanklin
littered his letters with references to God.
Two key secondary sources provide a look into the secondary topics
involving Shanklin. Bell I.
Wiley’s The Life of Billy Yank and James I. Robertson Jr.’s Soldiers
Blue and Gray provide an in-depth look at Union soldiers during the
The 42nd Indiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment experienced a
rapid recruiting stage in the beginning of the regiment in 1861.
Governor Morton called on
his large amount of male human capital in Indiana to form regiments to fight in
the emerging conflict. James G.
Jones took the initiative in Southern Indiana and was assigned the Colonelcy of
the regiment, and he in turn assigned Charles Denby and James M. Shanklin as
recruiting commissioners. Men from
six Southwestern Indiana counties--Daviess, Gibson, Pike, Spencer, Vanderburgh,
and Warrick--composed most of the new regiment.
The fairgrounds just outside Evansville, Indiana, named Camp Vanderburgh,
was chosen as the rendezvous site. As
the site was being sought, orators set out all over the First Congressional
District--composed of the six counties--to renew the spirit of patriotism in
Southern Indiana men.
The renewal of spirit spread by the orators resulted in obtaining the
maximum number of men for a regiment. On
9 October 1861, the official entrance into the United States service took place
at Camp Vanderburgh. The regiment
fulfilled its duty and served until 21 July 1865.
The volunteer total would eventually include 1,475 rank and file men.
The regiment consisted of ten companies listed A-K, excluding J.
Three men served the supreme rank of colonel in the regiment in four
years, followed by five lieutenant-colonels, five majors, three adjutants, two
quartermasters, three chaplains, two surgeons, and two assistant surgeons.
Each of the ten companies themselves had captains, first lieutenants, and
second lieutenants: Company A-five of each; Company B-two captains, three first
lieutenants, four second lieutenants; Company C-three captains, five first and
second lieutenants; Company D-five of each; Company E-three captains, six first
lieutenants, four second lieutenants; Company F-three captains, five first and
second lieutenants; Company G-four of each; Company H-four captains and first
lieutenants, three second lieutenants; Company I-two captains, four first and
second lieutenants; Company K-three captains and first lieutenants, four second
Of the 1,475 men in the regiment, each company also had one first
sergeant, four sergeants, eight corporals, two musicians, and a wagoner.
The only numerical differences in the regiment were the number of
captains, first and second lieutenants, as well as privates and recruits.
Companies A, C, E, and G had the highest number of privates with 82 each,
followed by Company F with 81, Companies B and I with 80, Company D with 78,
Company K with 76, and Company H with 74. Company
K had the largest number of recruits with 124, followed by Company B with 106,
Company I with 104, Company E with 98, Company F with 91, Company A with 88,
Companies D and G with 82, Company H with 77, and Company C with 73.
In the first weeks at Camp Vanderburgh, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Denby,
who had received a military education, took the lead to drill the officers and
they in turn drilled the privates. The
first movement of the regiment took them to Henderson, Kentucky.
While there, they experienced full drill, dress parades, camp guard, and
picket duty. The regiment camped in
Henderson until February 1862 and moved on to Calhoun, Kentucky.
The regiment encountered its first skirmish at Wartrace, Tennessee on 11
April 1862. Only Companies A, C, I,
and K engaged with the rebels. The
42nd only saw action in two more battles in 1862.
On 8 October 1862, the regiment met a rebel force at Perryville,
Kentucky, and from 30 December to 3 January at Stones River.
The 42nd Indiana fought in twenty battles and approximately
100 skirmishes. As the war dragged on, the 42nd engaged in much
more heavy and sporadic action than it had in the first year of service.
Beginning on 16 August 1863, the regiment fought in five major campaigns.
After passing the Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River, the
Chickamauga Campaign began on 16 August and lasted until 22 September. The major battle in this time span took place between 19-21
September at Chickamauga. The siege
of Chattanooga, 24 September-23 November, took place between this first campaign
and the second. The
Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign spanned only four days, 23-27 November, with
battles occurring at Lookout Mountain, Mission Ridge, Ringgold Gap, and
Taylor’s Ridge. On 28 January
1864, after the veterans re-enlisted for the remainder of the war, they all
received veteran furloughs. The
regiment marched to Indianapolis where Governor Morton held a parade reception
in their honor.
In 1864-1865, the 42nd did battle in three key campaigns.
The Atlanta Campaign began on 1 May 1864 and lasted until 8 September
1864. Key battles in this period
included the battle of Resaca 14-15 May, Peach Tree Creek 19-20 July, and the
siege of Atlanta 22 July- 25 August. The
42nd participated in one of the most decisive and destructive
campaigns during the war--Sherman’s March to the Sea.
The Sherman campaign lasted from 15 November to 10 December, during which
the troops destroyed everything in their paths.
From January to April 1865, the 42nd participated in its final
campaign, the Campaign of the Carolinas. After
the South surrendered, the 42nd marched to Washington D.C. to take
part in the Grand Review on 24 May 1865. The regiment returned to Louisville, Kentucky and dispersed
on 21 July 1865.
After twenty battles and 100 skirmishes, the 42nd Indiana lost
almost half of its men. Of the
1,475 rank and file men, the whole number killed, wounded, and taken prisoner
was 629. Officers killed on the field totaled four; men killed on the
field, 86. Officers wounded in
battle totaled fourteen; men wounded in battle, 443.
Eleven officers were taken prisoner compared to 89 regulars.
Men discharged for disability totaled 218.
One of the men in the 42nd Indiana,
James Maynard Shanklin, wrote many letters to his wife.
Shanklin grew up in a prominent family who lived the majority of their
lives in Evansville, Indiana. His
father, John, was born in County Donegal, Ireland and landed in New York City in
1815. Eight years after his arrival
in the states, he opened up a dry goods store in Evansville with the help of a
Mr. Moffatt. Over thirty years in
the dry goods business, John’s reputation grew and he became one of
Evansville’s leading merchants. John
dabbled in other business ventures, including real estate, and shipping regional
agricultural products to New Orleans. A
religious man, John helped establish a local Presbyterian church.
He passed his religious values on to his son, as observed in young
James’ letters to his wife during the Civil War.
James’ mother, Philura, moved to Evansville from Princeton, Indiana in
1831. She was one of the area’s
first female school teachers in the area. The
two prominent Shanklins had four children who survived into adulthood: James;
Malvina; John Gilbert; and George.
Blessed with an above average intelligence, James Shanklin graduated from
M.W. Safford’s Male Academy in Evansville, and summarily enrolled at Wabash
College in Crawfordsville, Indiana at the tender age of fourteen.
Thanks to his intellectual capabilities and his father’s fortune,
Shanklin gained entrance into Wabash at such a young age.
By reading the letters he sent to his wife Lizzie, one senses his
intelligence encapsulated in the eloquent writing he possessed.
Once at Wabash, however, Shanklin decided he was not quite ready for
college and returned home for two years. As
the years passed, Shanklin traveled in the East, and returned to Wabash, but
dropped out yet again. He
eventually enrolled at the University of Michigan and lasted a year before he
decided to set out for the West. Shanklin
ended up in Nebraska City, Nebraska but did not find his fortune.
In the letter written to his father in 1856, James seems to have been
involved in buying real estate much like his father had done in Evansville years
before. In a letter, he asked his
wealthy father to send him money to buy land.
He stated “at least, if you do not wish to buy lots here [Nebraska
City], I hope you will give me assurance of assistance in a year from now,
provided I can buy on reasonable terms.”
In the last sentence he stated “Don’t think I am getting too fond of
money--when a man sees a fortune laying loose under his feet, it’s a matter of
course that he should want to pick it up.”
In 1856, Shanklin returned to Evansville and participated in his sisters
wedding. Among the attendants was Eliza McCutcheon of Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania who often visited her uncle Samuel Orr, a pioneer businessman of
Evansville. The two courted each
other and later married on 7 December 1859 and took up residence with his
parents. In 1857, Shanklin took to
reading law and gained admission to the bar the same year.
Shanklin entered politics, and in 1860 he became a candidate for the
state legislature on the Democratic ticket, but lost to James E. Blythe.
When the war started, he became a “War Democrat” and his political
views resonated in his letters. In
1861, Lizzie gave birth to their first child, Robert French.
Sadly, however, Robert would have no siblings. Just nine months to the day of his son’s birth, Shanklin
enlisted in the 42nd Indiana Volunteer Infantry Regiment and thus the
small family’s happiness would be forever gone.
On 14 April 1861, the Civil War began at Fort Sumter in South Carolina.
As the news reached Evansville, Shanklin made his thoughts about the
ensuing war and the role he intended to play known to all.
Shanklin, the young prosecutor, stood up and addressed the court stating
that “at this moment matters of grave importance await every patriot.” During
his speech on the war, he stated “I, for one, shall enter the conflict in
defense of my country’s flag.” From
this point on until 6 May 1863, Shanklin endured hundreds of miles of marching,
three battles, vast amounts of time in camp, and four months in a Confederate
As a skilled orator, Shanklin quickly realized his calling as a
recruiter. According to Kenneth P.
McCutcheon, he went from town to town making speeches at patriotic rallies.
A Cannelton, Indiana newspaper wrote “’his effort was extremely
brilliant, eloquent, sarcastic, and polished.
He drew with great power a beautiful picture of the Temple of American
Liberty.’” In his speech to the
public, Shanklin must have aroused a good deal of emotion by the following
statement, “God of heaven, forbid that the flag of the stars and stripes
should ever be dishonored…the American soldier has felt that death has no
sting nor the grave victory to him who dies for his country’s honor--no, no;
it must never be dishonored.” Due
to his popularity, Shanklin was recommended to Governor Morton for the position
of major in one of the forming regiments. Shanklin
was offered a major’s commission; however, the regiment in which he was to
serve did not yet in exist. As a
major in the army, he received a salary of 169 dollars per month compared to a
privates 13 dollars per month. On
23 October 1862, after the battle of Perryville, Governor Morton appointed
Shanklin Lieutenant Colonel of the 42nd Indiana.
Shanklin’s method of giving colorful speeches as a recruiting tool was
common in the Union. According to
the historian Bell Wiley, mass meetings were standard feature for recruiting.
At these meetings, “leading citizens joined prospective officers in
regaling audiences with oratorical outbursts full of allusions to country and
factors possibly helped Shanklin in the recruiting process. According to the historian Reid Mitchell, family honor was a
powerful incentive and men frequently spoke of going to war to protect their
families which was common in the North and South. The other factor was a man’s responsibility.
Mitchell states that “fighting was a man’s responsibility--if one did
not fight one was less than a man.” He
also notes “men may very well have fought during the Civil War for reasons
having less to do with ideology than with masculine identity.” One
of Shanklin’s largest gatherings to hear his patriotic speech was in
Washington, Indiana where 1200 to 1500 had joined.
Less than twenty days after the speech, 118 men from Daviess County
enlisted and created Company “G” of the 42nd Indiana.
Two other specific accounts deal directly with Shanklin’s ability to
deliver patriotic speeches. On 14
May 1862, Shanklin sent a letter to Lizzie which he discussed his delivery of an
upcoming speech in Fayetteville, Tennessee.
The speech would test his oratory skills because several Union men wanted
him to speak to local Confederate civilians.
At first he reluctantly consented to the speech because he believed the
people at home would hear about the speech and assume he could not help his
habit of speaking. Shanklin
referred to a new order instituted in the military for the purpose of sending a
soldier to make a “stump” speech to Southern locals.
He stated “I shall give them a touch about Jackson, and try to disabuse
their minds in regards to the intentions of the army and the people of the North
in carrying on this war.” From
Shanklin’s point of view, the Southern people believed the war had direct
correlation to the ideals of the Abolition Party, and the slaves would receive
freedom. Shanklin believed that if
the Union were restored, the states would never have another rebellion.
Later in the letter, he finally stated “both sides have found out that
it costs too much blood and treasure, to attempt to settle by arms those
questions which should be left to the ballot box.”
Shanklin never got the chance to speak to the local rebels due to the
close proximity of the rebel cavalry.
Six months later, on 13 November 1862, Shanklin put his recruiting skills
to work again by going back to Indiana to recruit men into the 42nd
Indiana. Three hundred and thirty-five men in the regiment were on the
sick list according to Shanklin in his letter to Major-General Rousseau.
Shanklin stated he had recruited the largest section of the 42nd
Indiana and could fill the ranks to capacity better than anyone else.
Colonel James G. Jones, who commissioned Shanklin to recruit in October
1861, also wrote a letter to Rousseau. He
stated that if any man could bring back absentees or add recruits it was
Shanklin, and he would be pleased to have him detailed to Indiana. Rousseau
replied, and gave permission for Shanklin to report to Governor Morton and
proceed in obtaining recruits for the 42nd Indiana. Shanklin reported twelve days after the date of that letter. No word exists if Shanklin made the trip back to his home
state, but the next letter was dated 9 December 1862, twenty-six days after he
wrote to Rousseau.
The speech Shanklin gave in Washington, Indiana in October 1861 had
significance in that he made his pro-war feelings known.
Shanklin gave a “Democratic War Speech,” or a “War speech by a
Democrat.” His reputation as an
impressive speaker with some celebrity known outside his own district; compared
with the likes of other prominent War Democrats such as Stephen A. Douglas and
John A. Logan, who brought people from near and far to hear him speak.
Shanklin discussed the nation and politics in a few of the letters he
wrote to his wife. In a letter
dated 24 January 1862, Shanklin discussed his thoughts about the nation by
writing, “It is certainly the most wonderful of all Nature’s
wonders--life--and Nations, how strange they are--millions of men living under
one government, and suddenly making savage war on each other.”
Although he favored the war and had confidence in a Union victory, he
worried about the outcome as evident when he wrote, “I will not allow myself
to doubt our success; but it seems to me that the Country is almost ruined in
any event.” In one instance after the battle of Wartrace, his men had a
small victory and he described the atmosphere of battle very much like a large
Democratic meeting. In a 27 April
1862 letter to his wife he devoted one paragraph to his thoughts on the “Young
Americans,” the Democrats who supported Stephen A. Douglas for president
before the war. Their platform
included expansionism and the annexation of Cuba.
Shanklin criticized these Democrats, stated the United States needed a
new era of manners and morals. If
the Union could destroy the Young Americans’ spirit, it would accomplish one
great good. According to Shanklin,
their arrogance and boasting gradually led to the spread of the same traits in a
vast amount of the American citizenry. Despite
Shanklin’s words, the heightening of American power after the war would only
encourage the superior attitude Americans displayed toward the rest of the
In general, the Democratic party of the Union in the early 1860s opposed
the Civil War. Their opposition to the Republicans had no effect because
“the Democrats had proven to be weak and ineffective at the moment of the
nation’s greatest danger.” The
Democrats believed “the Republican party [was] a sectional conspiracy guilty
of intensifying, for its own nefarious purposes, sectional tensions within the
felt the only way to preserve the Union was for northerners to support the
Democrats and oppose those trying to destroy it.
The Democrats also lashed out at preserved racial feeling of Republicans
involving race. They charged the
Republicans had dedicated themselves to promote the interests of
African-Americans at the expense of whites. As
the war commenced, a faction in the Democratic party emerged known as the War
Democrats. According to historian
Joel H. Silbey, “the War Democrats who left the party in 1861 and 1862 over
its commitment to oppose the Lincoln administration remain an elusive group,
difficult to pinpoint in numbers, or in places of concentration,…” Like
Shanklin, other War Democrats believed they had to side with ethics and leave
their party for war. After seven
months into the war, Shanklin told his wife, “if I did not know that our cause
is just and righteous, I could not stand the life of a soldier.”
Shanklin shared characteristics with War Democrats.
According to historian Thomas E. Rodgers, “many of the leaders who
switched used the War Democracy as a half-way house on their way to the
Republican party.” Since
Shanklin adamantly supported the war, he may have switched parties: however, his
life ended tragically premature. Other
factors had commonality among War Democrats.
Rodgers states that “’formal education and reform-oriented religion
appear to have created cross-pressures toward the Republican party.’” A
majority of War Democrats belonged to a group known as the Victorian culture,
made up of wealthy and well-educated men. Shanklin
had all these qualities when the war began, thus making him a prime example of a
War Democrat. The War Democrats’
position did not change throughout the war, and they continued to condemn the
alleged treasonous activities of their formal colleagues. With
all the fervor of supporting the war, the War Democrats did not do well among
From reading all of
Shanklin’s letters to his wife, one can easily gather the depth to which
religion governed his life. Religion, in general, played a major role for soldiers of
both the North and South throughout the war.
However, not all soldiers agreed with godly obedience.
Shanklin belonged to the Walnut Street Presbyterian Church in Evansville
which his father had helped build. According
to historian Steven E. Woodworth, “Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists
were generally more conservative, with Methodists being the most zealous and
careful in ordering their private lives.” The
Presbyterian Church split during the war, but according to historian James I.
Robertson, Jr., the Civil War did not cause the spilt.
The church separated over theological issues earlier in the century.
Robertson, Jr. states that “the northern-dominated New School
Presbyterians strongly backed the Union in 1861, while the Old School
Presbyterians just as ardently supported the Confederacy.”
For many soldiers in the war, religion remained a personal matter rather
than a crusade for Christ. Robertson,
Jr. noted that army chaplains had the primary responsibility of maintaining the
spiritual well-being of the soldiers. Army
chaplains received officer status on both sides. The
chaplains did not always have the attention of the devoted soldiers.
Due to the reluctance of most accomplished clergy in the North and South
to abandon their peaceful existence in their hometowns, a shortage of chaplains
existed at the beginning of the war and became worse.
Many soldiers--including Shanklin--read the Bible and prayed alone
because of the insufficient number of chaplains.
Shanklin did not speak of attending church services in any of the letters
to his wife. In an early letter
dated 13 December 1861, he touched on the singularity of the seventeenth chapter
of Ezekiel, but would discuss more thoroughly in later letters.
This chapter prophesizes rebellion.
Verse eighteen cautions, “’Seeing he despised the oath by breaking
the covenant, when, lo, he had given his hand, he shall not escape.’” Shanklin
spoke about the blessed promise of the Bible, and compared it to a refreshing
cordial when man reads it feeling depressed and weary. He
believed God would always comfort anyone who wished he could live nearer to Him.
Northern soldiers had no shortage of Bibles.
The North had plenty of printing capacity and could have easily imported
materials from abroad. The American
Bible Society, headquartered in the Union, had such an abundance of
Shanklin made many references to the Union and wondered how or if God
would preserve it. According to Reid Mitchell, pious soldiers envisioned the war
as divine punishment for national sins and a purification process for the
nation. One soldier believed “the
war itself was God’s dealing with the American people, a means of discipline
those who had fallen away and forcing them to recognize divine authority.” Shanklin
thought along the same lines, but less drastic, when he discussed the Young
Americans and the beginning of a new era of manners and morals for the country.
He also mentioned that if God had not received the glory He deserved, He
may have humbled them yet more.
By reading Shanklin’s letters, Woodworth correctly specifies how a vast
majority of Northern soldiers believed God was taken for granted in support of
the Union’s cause. In a letter
from 27 April 1862, Shanklin prayed for a decisive battle, and that God would
defend the divine right of the Union to win.
He also believed in the success of a general advance of all the Union
armies in early 1862, which God might grant would end the war. In a
17 April 1862 letter, he also wanted God to grant the Union armies and the two
great coming battles an overwhelming triumph.
If triumphant, the South would submit.
In the next paragraph, Shanklin stated the justness in their cause,
boundlessness of their power, and the good God would soon give overwhelming
triumphs as to settle the war. One
sentence by Shanklin stands out uncharacteristically from the rest of his
letters and would fit into the small minority of those who believed God did not
help the Union. Shanklin stated
“my daily prayer is that He will speed the right, and I always pray that if
our enemies are right that they may succeed, and if we are right that our
triumph may be speedy and overwhelming.” This
was the only mention by Shanklin in his letters that the enemy could possibly
have a just cause in the war. Woodworth
also brings up the idea that “sometimes the faith of soldiers was simply that
God was using the war to accomplish his purpose but that those purposes--not
necessarily emancipation or the punishment of anybody--were probably unknowable
at the present time.”
Fatalism loomed as an important aspect of religion men dealt with during
the Civil War. Fatalism is the
acceptance of the belief that all events are predetermined.
This idea helped nerve soldiers without giving way to fear in the
extremely dangerous realm of combat. Two
types of fatalists existed in the Civil War: pessimists and optimists.
Pessimists faced the fact that if it was God’s will for them to die in
battle, they could do nothing to stop the coming death.
The pessimists believed God willed their survival and He could take it at
anytime. After these soldiers
accepted death, many devout Christians wrote to family members and reassured
them of a certain reunion in heaven. The
optimists had an attitude more positive than the pessimists.
Optimists accepted God could possibly call them home.
One soldier remarked “’The God who protects me in the peaceful walks
of everyday life, can… as well preserve us in the battle’s front as in the
shade of our own fig tree.’”
Shanklin fit the optimist role in four key passages in the letters to his
wife. Not only did Shanklin believe
God would protect him so he could return home, but he also prayed God would
shield his brother-in-law from danger in the hour of battle so he could return
home. In a letter written by
Lizzie, she asked God to spare Shanklin’s life so he could return to their
happiness he left. He displays his
optimistic outlook in a 6 April 1862 letter.
Shanklin hoped the time would roll by fast and “I may once more be
seated on the little old porch in front of the house with you by my side and
little Robbie, walking up and down the pavement.”
He next stated how thankful he would be if only God spared them both.
In another instance, Shanklin discussed a furlough by stating “I do not
want leave of absence--when I return home, if God spares me so to do, I want to
go home for good.” Shanklin
anxiously awaited hearing his wife’s future plans and, if she went to
Pittsburgh, he hoped God would spare him to go after her.
Although Shanklin professed he would never take a furlough, he received
one for ten days from Major-General Ambrose E. Burnside after his release from
Libby Prison. Only six days after
he arrived in Evansville, he succumbed to a fatal disease of the throat and died
within twenty-four hours.
Shanklin had many notable thoughts and experiences on and off the
battlefield including his letters, battles, arrest, prison, resignation, food,
and health. He wrote about All of
these topics in the letters sent to his wife, with some topics written about
more than others. By analyzing
these topics and bringing in secondary sources, one can piece together facets of
soldier life in the camps and on the battlefield.
Shanklin wrote 53, if not more, letters to his wife between the dates of
14 November 1861 and 7 May 1863. Historian
James McPherson states the Civil War armies were the most literate in history to
that time because of the thousands of letters written by soldiers during the
war. According to Bell I. Wiley,
“A civilian who visited many units in the autumn of 1861 reported that some
regiments of 1000 men had for weeks sent out an average of 600 letters a day.” The
42nd Indiana had 1,475 men at its height, so its average may have
reached somewhat higher levels. Soldiers
wrote letters under all kinds of conditions.
In winter quarters, soldiers usually had access to desks.
While on the move, the soldiers had to improvise with what they had.
For one example of an extreme condition to write in, Wiley notes many
Yankees continued scribbling even amid the confusion of bullets screaming by
their heads. As an officer,
Shanklin had the luxury of writing on a desk most of the time.
The form and content of the soldiers’ letters varied with the
background and character of the writers. Most
letters fell in between two extreme ends of the writing spectrum.
Some letters stood as models of literary excellence while others had so
many misspellings they appeared almost undecipherable. Favorite topics of Yankee soldiers included “battles, about
which they wrote a great length; health; the weather; the land and people of
Dixie, especially the Negroes who were a source of unusual curiosity; camp
doings; rumors of future movements; food; and officers.” Shanklin
wrote on each of the popular subjects, some more than others.
Shanklin took part in only three battles during his fifteen months in the
field with the 42nd Indiana. After
three months of winter quarters in Kentucky, the 42nd advanced on
Nashville, Tennessee between 10-25 February 1862.
On April 11, Shanklin and his troops met the rebels at Wartrace,
Tennessee. He wrote a letter to
Lizzie on 13 April 1862 giving her an account of the battle.
Shanklin pointed out General Andrew Jackson had encamped on the very
ground in 1812 and 1813 when in pursuit of the Indians.
Shanklin had 197 men to guard two bridges the railroad used.
He discussed in detail the ground on which they had set up their
encampment. Shanklin made the
acquaintance of a pro-Union local who informed him of the approaching rebel
cavalry. After going back to bed at
4:00 a.m., he awakened with the 42nd’s drums
commencing to beat for reveille while simultaneously hearing his men shout the
rebels were coming at them. Shanklin
counted over forty bullet holes in his tent before he made it out only to see
the rebels fifty yards away in a full sprint toward the Union tents. Shanklin
calmed his men down and had them fall into rank and commence firing.
The battle lasted thirty minutes and resulted in four men killed, five
dangerously wounded, and more than thirty slightly wounded.
Shanklin noted everyone gave him great praise and the men said they would
go anywhere with him. In the
aftermath of the praise for victory, Shanklin’s role in the skirmish resulted
in his arrest.
In a letter from 4 June 1862, Shanklin explained to Lizzie he had been
put under arrest after a review of his role in the battle of Wartrace.
The issue revolved around the charge Shanklin was careless and neglectful
of duty since he was caught off guard by the rebels in the early morning.
Major-General Don Carlos Buell sent the orders of arrest, although
Shanklin never said who had turned him in.
He noted every officer and soldier would testify he had used the greatest
caution by having pickets out in every direction.
He confidently proclaimed his innocence, “I shall unquestionably be
acquitted triumphantly because the truth is on my side, and both Gen’l Lytle
& Mitchell are satisfied that everything possible was done.”
On 20 June 1862, Major-General O.M. Mitchell sent a letter to D.C. Buell
stating he had investigated the case fully and found Shanklin had pickets and
sentinels well posted and he had anticipated the attack for days.
Mitchell closed by pleading “I hope you will order the release of Major
Shanklin, as it is impossible to get any witnesses other than those of the
Forty-Second, five of whom I have examined.”
If the men loved Shanklin as much as he believed, none would have turned
Court-martials were restricted for use only by commanders of armies or
departments. General court-martials
consisted of five to thirteen officers and legal punishments included death,
imprisonment, confinement on bread and water, solitary confinement, hard labor,
ball and chain, forfeiture of pay and allowances, discharge from the service,
reprimand, and--in cases of noncommissioned officers--reduction in grade. The
most common of all offenses was absence without leave.
Another serious offense was misbehavior before the enemy, similar to
Shanklin’s case. Wiley noted
officers guilty of serious offenses received lighter penalties than enlisted men
charged with the same offenses. Since
the making of arrests were usual officer functions, “commissioned personnel
sometimes were inclined to consider themselves a mutual protective association
and hence beyond the reach of the disciplinary code.” Shanklin
did not mention his fate of the arrest to Lizzie in the letters after 4 June.
However, he participated in the battle of Perryville and earned a
promotion after the battle.
The second battle Shanklin took part in occurred on 8 October 1862, one
year after the formation of the regiment. Three
days after the battle, Shanklin wrote to inform his wife he had been wounded in
the battle. Nine days after the
battle, Shanklin wrote a detailed account.
On the morning of October 8, Shanklin and his men marched to Perryville
with the sound of rebel artillery in the distance.
Upon arrival, his men received orders to support the Union battery: then
a second set of orders called for them to retrieve water from a ravine between
cannonading by the two armies. Jokingly,
Shanklin mentioned what a quandary they would face if the rebel cavalry would
swarm on them in the ravine. His premonition came true when the rebel cannon moved from
its original position, undetected by the Union forces. The rebels “immediately poured down a volley of musketry,
and the cannon which we had thought silenced commenced sweeping the ravine with
a terrible shower of grape.”
The scene plundered into chaos according to the intricate detail Shanklin
penned. He could not hear the barking of the orders, but noticed the
steep bluffs of the ravine would make perfect targets if the men went up.
They were soon ordered up the steep bluffs and Shanklin said “as for
myself I really did not expect to get out alive, and I regard it as a miracle
how the regiment even did get out so well.”
After making it to flat land, a piece of shell struck Shanklin on top of
the head, knocked him down instantly, and stunned him completely.
Two men immediately carried him off to the hospital.
He informed Lizzie that if the shell had struck him one-half inch lower,
death would have resulted. He then
closed the letter with “God is very good.”
While at the hospital, Shanklin heard rumors of his death, and several
times that the major of the 42nd had been shot through the head.
The enemy retreated the next morning.
Shanklin made sure to tell his wife the regiment did not fall back in
disorder. He praised the 42nd Indiana, “their magnificent,
desperate and wild charge, cheering as they went, is pronounced by all as one of
the most splendid of the whole war.” The
charge he spoke of took place after he left the field.
He received a promotion to lieutenant colonel after the battle.
A week later, Shanklin’s tone on recounting the battle took a complete
turn. The battle, he said, had
turned into a terrible blundering affair, and had almost ruined Rousseau‘s
division. He reiterated they did
not retreat, they just followed orders. Shanklin
criticized the generals in charge. He
stated “Rousseau is trying to make a great deal of capital out of the
fight,…” He said Buell “is the most stupendous failure on record
ancient or modern, and it is to be hoped will be immediately removed.”
Shanklin got his wish. By
engaging only nine of twenty-four divisions in the battle and losing the
opportunity for a victory, public opinion turned on Buell and General Rosecrans
expediently replaced him.
Shanklin fought his final battle at Stones River (Murfreesboro) on 30-31
December 1862. Due to his capture, he did not give a detailed account of the
battle as he did the first two battles. According
to S.F. Horrall, the Union troops numbered 41,400 under General Rosecrans
against 11,739 Confederates under General Bragg. The
battle was a Confederate tactical victory, but their inferior numbers led to a
withdrawal and thus a Union victory in actuality.
Horrall noted Shanklin employed a picket guard the night before battle
who reported rebel artillery setting up. Major-General
Thomas denied Shanklin reinforcements and ordered him to hold positions at all
hazards. The rebels attacked and
overpowered Shanklinin the cover of darkness.
Under the impression the rebel force had greater numbers than it actually
did, Shanklin called for a retreat and was soon captured.
On 3 January 1863, Shanklin wrote a letter telling of his capture.
He told Lizzie the Confederacy could not grant him parole because a
recent order prohibited parole to officers prior to exchange. Shanklin instructed her to immediately write Governor Morton
and request him to enter his name on the exchange list. He said that he would soon go to Chattanooga and then on to
Vicksburg: and that Confederates treated him well, but he needed more clothing.
According to Robertson, Jr., a clothing shortage loomed as widespread
misery. Shanklin would not make it to Vicksburg because his final
destination landed in Virginia. Three
days later, he wrote to Lizzie about his stopover in Chattanooga and the
upcoming voyage to Atlanta. He
noted the beauty and charm of Atlanta. Just
over a year later, General Sherman would destroy the city with the help of the
The final destination for Shanklin was Libby Prison in Richmond,
Virginia. Of the 150 military
prisons operating during the Civil War, only 20--including Libby--gained infamy
for their squalid conditions. Libby
sat on the banks of the James River, and was widely known for its creation out
of several Richmond warehouses into prison compounds, making it one of five such
prisons built. The five prison
structures included coastal fortifications, enclosed barracks, old buildings
converted, clusters of tents enclosed by high fences, and barren stockades with
no shelter except for what the prisoners built.
According to Robertson, Jr., Libby stood three stories high in front and
four in the rear as the land fell away toward the river.
The prison held as many as 1,200 Federal officers during the war and
became known for draftiness and vermin. Throughout
the war, captured officers and enlisted men always had separate quarters in the
idea enlisted men would act subversively without orders from officers.
Prisoners had transport to the prisons via rail, boat, or foot--all of
which Shanklin experienced.
In a 15 March 1863 letter to Lizzie, Shanklin made note to the fine
status of his health. However, a 7 May 1863 letter from Annapolis, Maryland
discussed the realities of life in Libby Prison.
He stated he had passed through a very severe ordeal, and he felt utterly
downcast and broken. His health
remained “good enough” but he felt a distaste for food and drink.
Shanklin described the prison as a dungeon housing 110 men, with scarcely
any light, the edifice crawling with vermin, and then concluded that he could
not write what he really saw. For
two and a half months, he never set foot outside the prison.
He almost grew insane before finally relapsing into indifference and
misery. If not for his wife and
child, he believed death may have served as an acceptable exit.
In the final paragraph, he discussed his self censorship about the true
conditions in the prison because the rebels would not have sent his letters.
Shanklin told Lizzie her ignorance was bliss because truth would have
made her wretched. Although
released, Shanklin gave no word on how or why.
Shanklin experienced conditions common for prisoners in both the North
and South. Food remained the main
issue of discontent. A New England officer at Libby commented his rations
“’consisted of about twenty-two ounces of bread and thirty ounces of meat
for one week….’” Shanklin did
not mention the lack of food in his few letters about the prison. Filth in all stockades bred epidemics of fleas and lice.
Another prisoner at Libby stated “’I was painfully aware that
ownership of my clothing would be disputed by other occupants, inch by
inch…men during the warm days would remove all their clothing, and to get
temporary relief from their bloodthirsty tormentors.’”
With the issue regarding the overabundance of vermin in prison, a Rhode
Islander commented “’that the boys said they [rats] had regimental
drill.’” Lack of nourishment
and proper sanitation, plus limited medical facilities and short supplies of
medicine led to widespread sickness. Shanklin
somehow managed to escape illness in the prison.
Although Shanklin eagerly poised himself to fight in the early days of
the war, as the conflict progressed his attitude progressively changed.
Beginning in a 6 April 1862 letter, the talk of resignation sporadically
surfaced in following letters. Shanklin
wrote about himself and Colonel Denby growing tired of Colonel Jones and how
they would like nothing more than to resign.
In the same paragraph, he wrote that over exposure to sunlight caused his
eyes to hurt and that he might need to leave his choice of occupation.
However, he could not because he felt people would gossip about the
In a letter dated 25 April 1862, Shanklin toyed with the idea of
resignation because General Mitchell had treated him “unhandsomely” about a
matter involving a horse. In a
letter Lizzie wrote to her husband, she devoted a paragraph to his possible
resignation. She wrote he should
not resign because it might injure him in the future, as men who resigned
without cause turned into fodder for slander.
Boredom spread into a cause for resignation talk because Shanklin said
life grew wearisome with the lack of reading materials such as books or
newspapers. In a 16 August 1862
letter, Shanklin discussed he had applied for an appointment in one of the new
regiments forming and if he failed ,”I shall feel that I have been passed by
undeservedly, and shall as soon thereafter as possible tender my
sought a higher position in a new regiment due to his belief an opportunity to
travel home for a few days would come with the transfer.
In a 9 Decemeber 1862 letter, Shanklin wrote of his displeasure with
General Rousseau and said he would resign at the first opportunity he received.
His reasons for his resignation included dissatisfaction, discontent, and
mismanagement. In a 14 December
1862 letter, two weeks before the battle of Stones River, Shanklin stated
“while the enemy is right in our front, I hate to resign, but am only going to
wait a reasonable time for them to leave. I
am more and more anxious to get out of the service.” In
his final letter to Lizzie, after release from Libby Prison, Shanklin said he
would go home if granted a leave of absence or not.
According to Bell Wiley, “the spirit of the fighting forces dropped
markedly after a few months of conflict and thereafter rose and fell
periodically until the end of the war.” Boredom
of camp routine, discomfort from heat and pests, and inability to engage in a
battle that would end the war all led to dips in morale. Wiley noted loss of confidence in leadership resounded as a
recurring theme in many letters, similar to Shanklin’s complaints about the 42nd
Indiana’s leaders. All soldiers
had to deal with issues such as health, attitudes of civilians, hardships, the
Emancipation Proclamation, and home circumstances during the war.
Shanklin’s three main reasons he called for a resignation were health,
problems with superiors, and the ultimate desire to leave for home and live with
his new wife and child.
Although food shortages plagued both armies of the North and South,
Shanklin did not complain much about a lack of food.
According to Wiley, food shortages most commonly developed during periods
of rapid movement and active fighting. For
the 42nd Indiana, scarcity of food did not pose a problem in the
beginning. Over the course of
nearly a year and a half, the regiment fought in only three battles, camped for
three full months in Kentucky, and four months in Alabama.
These long periods of stay allowed shipments of food to arrive and, thus,
the 42nd had an adequate amount of rations.
In all of Shanklin’s letters, few involved the topic of food.
He briefly described three main additional sources of food that
supplemented army rations. The
first involved Shanklin asking his wife to send him food through the mail.
In one letter, Shanklin asked Lizzie to send a box of apples because the
ones in Nashville sold for the princely sum of five cents apiece.
On another occasion, Shanklin received the wrong box of goods.
Shanklin wrote to Lizzie he could not locate the cherries, oysters,
prunes, oranges, tomatoes, or canned fruit he asked for.
He then instructed her to send him an inventory of what she actually sent
in the box. The box belonged to one
of Shanklin’s friends, Jim Orr, and it contained two kegs--one of lard and the
other eggs, butter, sweet potatoes, dried peaches, baking yeast, lemons, and
confided he wrote a letter to Orr giving him permission to consume the contents
of the box Lizzie sent, and that he would eat Orr‘s.
According to Robertson, Jr., one popular method of supplementation came
in the form of food parcels sent from home as Shanklin had done; but long delays
and rough handling of food packages rendered the contents all but useless most
of the time. Wiley
informs “soldiers letters reveal a considerable flow of boxes, packed with all
sorts of food, originating in every loyal state and extending to all areas where
Federal troops were encamped.”
According to Shanklin, a second supplement to rations arrived in food
given from Union supporters in the South. In
one instance, Shanklin found several Union citizens in Shelbyville, Tennessee
who kept them supplied with fresh eggs, butter, bread, and turkeys.
He believed his health improved greatly and felt as well as he ever had.
In a second instance, Shanklin came upon a field full of hay in Nashville
and hoped to put his horse in a nearby stable.
He made his request to the stable’s owner, Mr. Evans, and went back to
camp. On the way out, Mr. Evans asked for his name because his wife
wanted to send breakfast. The next
morning he received butter cakes, fine butter, sweet broiled ham, muffins, mush,
golden syrup, and milk--finer provisions than army rations. Wiley
notes Yanks did occasionally supplement army rations by eating at Southern
tables and “whatever the nature of the meal thus obtained, it afforded relief
from camp offerings and was consumed with relish.”
The final supplement Shanklin described food from local African-Americans
in Fayetteville, Tennessee. While
in town, Shanklin said the Negroes brought butter and “we get chickens and
lettuce, and eggs; and some of the niggers have promised Maj green peas and new
potatoes in a day or two.” He
believed they were in the best place they had been where provisions of the kind
were so easy to be had and “if we were with the main army of course such
things would be exceedingly scarce, and so that is a little benefit we enjoy by
being absent from the division.” Shanklin
and his men must have known of the food shortages most of the Union army
experienced. Wiley notes some bought food from settlers or natives, as
Shanklin had, who mainly surfaced just after pay day.
Foraging served as the most common method of supplementing army rations,
a practice absent in Shanklin’s letters.
This practice drew on the rebel civilians as Union soldiers offered no
money for the confiscated goods. Regularly
appointed groups led by officers operating under authority confirmed by higher
commanders conducted the foraging. The
most notorious foraging expeditions had connections to Sheridan’s valley
campaign of 1864 and Sherman’s march through Georgia and the Carolinas. The soldiers lived very well and “some professed to tire of
the rich fare of chickens, turkeys, hams, and honey and to long for the plainer
offerings of the subsistence department.”
As for no mention of foraging by Shanklin, Wiley notes the relative
rarity in primary documents of this sort of living at the expense of Johnny Reb.
Health was an important topic for soldiers during the Civil War including
Shanklin. For the most part, Shanklin discussed his and the regiments
health sparingly during the first year they served. According to Reid Mitchell sickness, ranging from minor to
fatal, plagued the country dwellers North and South as they crowded into
military camps. In
the Federal army, four persons died of sickness for every one killed in battle,
and deaths from disease totaled twice those resulting from other known causes. Bell
Wiley notes the heaviest incidence of disease came early in the war and units
suffered most during the first few months of their service.
Men had such eagerness to join the war that they did not take
precautionary measure of having the necessary vaccinations.
Early on, before the 42nd Indiana left Kentucky, Shanklin
complained of only two personal health related problems--boils and
dysentery--and of an epidemic of measles which spread through the regiment.
In a 22 December 1861 letter, Shanklin noted he had three boils festering
on his left leg which gave him particular fits.
Shanklin also discussed measles. In
a 13 December 1861 letter, he noted some of the regiments in camp had suffered
severely from them, and other unspecified diseases, but he believed the general
health was improving. However,
twelve days later, he stated the regiment “is going full headway through the
measles; the measles are rather getting the best of it.” According
to Wiley, measles usually struck first in epidemic proportions as the 42nd
Indiana found out. Medical reports
backed up the conclusion attacks occurred most frequently within a few months of
a unit’s organization, and when a large amount of new recruits joined. Measles
showed a preference for the winter months, as was the case for the 42nd
Indiana, and ran its course in three or four weeks. Almost a year later on 3 September 1862, Shanklin mentioned
he enjoyed excellent health.
Poor health generally resulted in pitching of camps in swamps, lack of
adequate garbage disposal, neglect of personal cleanliness, inadequate clothing
and shelter, and poor food and water. For
an example of cleanliness among the 42nd Indiana, George Kirkpatrick
noted many did not wash their faces for two full weeks and they all looked like
“Digger Indians.” As for
Shanklin, he did not complain much about these factors except for the mention of
dirty water. Diarrhea and dysentery
struck most heavily during the early months of the conflict.
According to Medical Department statistics, between May 1861-July 1866, a
total of 1,739,135 cases of diarrhea and dysentery accounted to 57,265 deaths. In a
letter to Shanklin from his wife dated 3 March 1862, Lizzie discussed she heard
he had dysentery and suffered from bilious attacks and informed him that she
would send him blackberry root cordial to take so it would not turn into
to Wiley, opium was widely used, along with strychnine, turpentine, castor oil,
camphor, ipecacuanha, laudanum, and blue pills of mercury and chalk as cures for
addressed his health in his next letter stating he had weakened from continual
diarrhea, had no appetite, a dry taste filled his mouth, and suffered with an
extremely disordered liver but was able to be up and about. He said he had a bottle of bitters, made out of wild cherry
bark, ginseng, and whiskey with a little iron in it.
Wiley notes syrup of wild cherry and whiskey as standard treatment for
Civil War soldiers, including Shanklin, frequently complained about
incompetent surgeons. State
governors commissioned surgeons and their assistants.
However, many appointments were “based on political influence rather
than on professional accomplishment and, while most of the regimental surgeons
appear to have been well-meaning, a considerable number were utterly
in the war’s first year, one could find many highly skilled doctors could be
found for each worthless doctor, and the passing of time brought steady
improvement. The 42nd
Indiana had the services of a low quality doctor.
In only one letter from 6 May 1862, Shanklin discussed their surgeon in
the following sentence, “the regiment was in a very reduced condition, and we
shall have charges preferred against our surgeon, who is miserably inefficient
upon which he will doubtless be removed.” Shanklin
did not get his wish and the regimental surgeon, William D. Taylor, remained
with the 42nd Indiana until his enlistment expired at the end of
Following his release from Libby Prison, Shanklin received a ten day
furlough and returned to Evansville. He
had an appointment to give a speech discussing his experiences in the South on
26 May 1863, but the Evansville Journal
on May 25 sadly reported Shanklin’s death.
The Journal reported he sat in
their office on Thursday, May 24, and was in “full glowing health, and
interested and thrilled us with his experiences and views of the battle of
Stones River and his sojourn in Richmond.”
According to the Journal, he
died “by some fatal disease of the throat, … which terminated his life in
less than 24 hours” and defied all medical treatment.
In a 27 May article, the Journal
accounted the funeral procession as one of the largest that ever marched through
the streets of Evansville. The rich
velvet covered coffin was wrapped in an American flag inscribed with the names
“Wartrace, “Perryville,” and “Stones River.” During the funeral
ceremonies, a battery of artillery from Henderson went to the Kentucky shore,
opposite Evansville, and fired minute guns.
He was laid to rest in the Oak Hill Cemetery.
A fitting poem concluded the Journal’s
obituary of unusual length--nearly two columns:
“Though the battle may rage and war’s thunder
No more, no more, on his steed shall he sweep o’er
He sleeps his last sleep, he has fought his last battle,
No sound shall awake him to glory again.”
The tragic end to Shanklin’s life left the town of Evansville in shock.
Having fought in only three battles, he had not yet reached his full
potential as an officer in the 42nd Indiana.
In the five major campaigns that followed his death, Shanklin may have
soared up the ranks in the regiment due to his bravery and likeability among his
men. However, during his time
before and during the war, Shanklin made a name for himself through his
experiences. He was a rarity among
the political scene as a War Democrat. Shanklin’s
patriotic feelings ignited a spark which led to his ability for recruiting
volunteers when the conflict began. He
expressed how religion also played a dominant role in his life before and during
the war in his letters. Shanklin
believed God’s power rested on the side of the Union and He would bring
victory and a safe return home. Shanklin
correctly interpreted these premonitions but did not live to see the Union
victory he had so longed for since the war erupted.
Shanklin unwittingly wrote his memoirs when he penned letters to his
wife, spent time in an infamous Confederate prison, nearly resigned his
commission as an officer because of the disheartening effects of the war, and
combated food shortages and the contagions of disease.
Kenneth P. McCutchan has committed James Maynard Shanklin’s life to
paper, and if one peruses his book, the reader will experience the life of a
soldier during the Civil War.
Spillard F. History of the Forty-second Indiana Volunteer Infantry.
Chicago, IL: Donohue & Henneberry, Printers, Engravers, and Binders,
James Maynard. Dearest Lizzie: The Civil War Letters of Lt. Col.
James Maynard Shanklin.
Edited by Kenneth P. McCutchan. Evansville,
IN: Friends of Willard Library, 1988.
Kristopher and Larry Ligget. “42nd
Regiment Indiana Infantry.” Indiana
in the Civil War.
<http://www.indianainthecivilwar.com/rgmnt/42ind.htm> (8 April 2004).
James M. For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil
York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Reid. Civil War Soldiers: Their
Expectations and Their Experiences.
New York, NY: Viking Penguin, Inc., 1988.
Reid. The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home.
New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Jr., James I. Soldiers Blue and Gray. Columbia,
SC: University of South Carolina Press,
Thomas E. Northern Political Ideologies in the Civil War Era: Western
1860-1866. Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1991.
Joel H. A Respectable Minority: the Democratic Party in the Civil War
New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1977.
Bell I. The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union.
New York, NY: Charter Books, 1962.
Woodworth, Steven E. While God Is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers. Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 2001.
 Spillard F. Horrall, History of the Forty-second Indiana Volunteer Infantry (Chicago, IL: Donohue & Henneberry, Printers, Engravers, and Binders, 1892), pp. 24-25.
 Ibid., pp. 27-93.
 Ibid., p. 206.
 Kristopher Ligget and Larry Ligget, “42nd Regiment Indiana Infantry,” Indiana in the Civil War (1995-2004) <http://www.indianainthecivilwar.com/rgmnt/42ind.htm> (8 April 2004).
 Horrall, p. 261.
 James M. Shanklin, Dearest Lizzie: The Civil War Letters of Lt. Col. James Maynard Shanklin ed. Kenneth P. McCutchan (Evansville, IN: Friends of Willard Library, 1988), pp. 1-2.
 Ibid., pp. 3, 9, 10.
 Ibid., pp. 15-20.
 Ibid., p. 22.
 Ibid., p. 22.
 Ibid., pp. 23, 26, 28, 180.
 Bell Wiley, The Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union (New York, NY: Charter Books, 1962), p. 21.
 Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers: Their Expectations and Their Experiences (New York, NY: Viking Penguin, Inc., 1988), p. 18.
 Ibid., p. 18.
 Shanklin, p. 30.
 Ibid., p. 202.
 Ibid., p. 242.
 Ibid., p. 29.
 Ibid., pp. 63, 78, 180.
 Joel H. Silbey, A Respectable Minority: the Democratic Party in the Civil War Era, 1860-1868 (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1977), p. 4.
 Ibid., p. 26.
 Ibid., p. 27.
 Ibid., p. 56.
 Shanklin, p. 195.
 Thomas E. Rodgers, Northern Political Ideologies in the Civil War Era: Western Central Indiana, 1860-1866 (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1991), p. 433.
 Ibid., p. 434.
 Ibid., p. 434.
 Silbey, p. 57.
 Steven E. Woodworth, While God Is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers (Lawrence, Kan.: University Press of Kansas, 2001), p. 87.
 James I. Robertson, Jr., Soldiers Blue and Gray (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), p. 171.
 Ibid., p. 174.
 Shanklin, p. 45.
 Ibid., p. 11.
 Woodworth, p. 166.
 Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 19.
 Shanklin, p. 88.
 Ibid., p. 77.
 Ibid., p. 169.
 Ibid., p. 169.
 Woodworth, p. 263.
 James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 63-64, 66.
 Shanklin, pp. 97, 150, 194, 214.
 Wiley, p. 183.
 Ibid., pp. 184-185.
 Shanklin, p. 161.
 Ibid., pp. 210, 212.
 Wiley, p. 194.
 Ibid., p. 212.
 Shanklin, p. 229.
 Ibid., pp. 230, 233.
 Ibid., p. 238.
 Ibid., p. 253.
 Ibid., p. 256.
 Robertson, Jr., p. 194.
 Shanklin, pp. 271-272.
 Robertson, Jr., pp. 199, 200.
 Shanklin, p. 150.
 Ibid., p. 214.
 Ibid., p. 248.
 Wiley, p. 275.
 Shanklin, p. 143.
 Robertson, Jr., p. 72.
 Wiley, p. 231.
 Shanklin, p. 251.
 Wiley, p. 233.
 Shanklin, p. 205.
 Wiley, pp. 234, 236.
 Mitchell, p. 60.
 Wiley, p. 124.
 Shanklin, p. 55.
 Wiley, p. 133.
 Ibid., p. 136.
 Shanklin, p. 105.
 Wiley, p. 137.
 Ibid., p. 130.
 Shanklin, p. 192.
 Ibid., pp. 275-276.
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